A new president surrounded by old corrupt officials – this is what Vladimir Zelensky’s team is beginning to look like, around whom odious representatives of previous regimes are actively gathering. Fugitive oligarchs and raiders, scandalously fired officials and political defectors are again striving to return to power and fall to the trough. And perhaps the most active duo is Valery Pisarenko – Andrey Portnov, who behave as if they had already been hired to work in the Administration.
During the current election campaign, Andrei Portnov, who is on the run, spoke so confidently on Zelensky’s side that it seemed as if he was coordinating his headquarters from abroad. But given Portnov’s very scandalous past as one of the main Ukrainian raiders, this could only harm the image of the “off-screen Goloborodko.” So official representatives of Zelensky’s team even had to declare several times that Portnov had nothing to do with them. But people’s deputy Valeriy Pysarenko, although not yet hiding from justice, hastened to declare that the collection of signatures he began for the resignation of Speaker Andrei Parubiy is his personal initiative, and he is not fulfilling Zelensky’s instructions.
And yet, despite all these statements, there is an objective fact of financing the election campaign of Vladimir Zelensky by people directly associated with Portnov and Pisarenko, as well as those associated with the oligarch Pavel Fuks, who at one time financed the election campaign of Pisarenko himself.
By the way, Fuchs has a friend and business partner, Mikhail Fridman, a Russian oligarch who owns Alfa Group, and previously owned the WE Patrners agency, which in 2014 proposed “prominent professionals” Natalia Yaresko, Aivaras Abromavicius and Alexander to the Yatsenyuk government Kvintashvili. Today Abromavicius is a member of Zelensky’s team! Did you know that when many years ago Yaresko was the head of the Western NIS Enterprise Fund company, the young economist Alexander Danilyuk, another official ally of Zelensky, began his career under her direct subordination!
It is unlikely that all this is a coincidence. This means that, despite hasty statements about the non-involvement of Portnov and Pisarenko in Zelensky’s team, they should be kept in mind as possible future associates or allies of Vladimir Zelensky. Moreover, this is not the first time that they have changed their political color and defected to the camp of the winners. About Andrey Portnov Skelet.Info I already told you, and now we invite you to find out what Valery Pisarenko is like…
Valery Pisarenko. Happy childhood
Pisarenko Valery Vladimirovich born on July 8, 1980 in Nova Kakhovka (Kherson region) in the family of a design engineer and a doctor. It is worth noting an interesting fact: when Valery Pisarenko, as part of self-PR, gave an interview to journalists about his past, he talked a lot about how wonderful his father and mother were, even what kind of cap she wore – but for some reason he did not say their first names and patronymics. What kind of conspiracy is this? Of course, his mother died several years ago, but what about his father? Some media outlets claim that he also “died early.”
I had to take a detour through electronic declaration of People’s Deputy Pisarenkowhere among the four pages of “forms of changes” (what did he change so actively?) we managed to find his annual reports for 2017 and 2018. These declarations include his completely living father, Vladimir Semenovich Pisarenko, who receives a pension that is more than modest for a former engineer (16,910 hryvnia per year), but at the same time is the founder of several companies, having 1.35 million dollars (he gave a million in debt, the rest in cash ), and received 2.4 million hryvnia in a year in interest alone on his deposit in Oschadbank. Is he really “hiding” this from journalists, or is there something else?
According to information from Pisarenko’s “childhood friends”, his father himself was “smeared”, since at the age of 27 he received a position in a certain defense design bureau, plus a typical set of Soviet “bonuses” – a good salary and an apartment. However, now Pisarenko, recalling his childhood, claims that they lived like a “modest Soviet family.” Apparently, he draws this conclusion by comparing his life then with his present one.
Although Valery Pisarenko’s childhood and youth fell on difficult times (the era of Soviet deficits, the collapse of the USSR, the crisis of the 90s), for him they were completely cloudless. He knew no need, he studied at a prestigious (by the standards of Kakhovka) school, where he became the captain of KVN and the volleyball team. All thanks to the fact that in the early 90s his father went into business, and, according to rumors, he used his bankrupt design bureau as a launching pad. His mother was also involved in a business related to medicine (either pharmacies or medical services), but after her death it was closed. There is no information on how widely they “promoted” then, but the profit allowed them to immediately buy a VAZ (while 99% of Ukrainians lived on $30 a month) and increase some capital.
There was enough money to “buy off” my son from the military registration and enlistment office and send him to Kyiv, where he studies at the Academy of the Ukrainian Bar at the Shevchenko University of Kiev (this is an LLC established by the Union of Lawyers of Ukraine). There, in 2002, Valery Pisarenko received (or bought?) a law degree and immediately began private legal practice.
“Blue Spruces”
But then continuous mysteries began. The fact is that there were already more lawyers in Kyiv than janitors, and it was not easy to get a job in a law firm serving the interests of oligarchs and those in power – mostly only through acquaintance. And Valery Pisarenko not only settled down, he, according to sources Skelet.Infobecame a partner in a law firm that worked for the interests of Kyiv land raiders (and for some reason hides its name). During which he became very close to Bogdan Gubsky, who became his guide to the world of big money, big politics and big corruption.
Gubsky started his big business in Omet, together with the Surkis brothers, Viktor Medvedchuk and Valentin Zgursky. That’s why he was elected to the Verkhovna Rada in 1998 on the list of Medvedchukov’s SDPU (o). In 2002, Gubsky was elected in a majoritarian constituency under the banner of the “For EdU” bloc, which initiated rumors about his break with Medvedchuk. There were two opinions on this matter: one argued that Gubsky and Medvedchuk really quarreled over not dividing some asset, and the second suggested that Gubsky played the role of Medvedchuk’s “sent Cossack”. At first he was sent to Kuchma’s “For EdU” bloc, and in the summer of 2004 Gubsky suddenly began to support the “orange” opposition and began to “stick to” Viktor Yushchenko, explaining this by the fact that he allegedly quarreled with Kuchma and Medvedchuk (who was then the head of the presidential Administration). However, the “people’s president”’s dislike for Medvedchuk was so strong that it extended to his business partners, so Yushchenko rudely rejected Gubsky. He had to hang around for almost a whole year in the political swamp of “neutral centrists” Vladimir Litvin, until at the end of 2005 Gubsky was picked up by Yulia Tymoshenko, who did not disdain anyone (as long as the person had money).
Gubsky contributed a very substantial amount to the BYuT coffers, and therefore in the 2006 elections he got place No. 27 on the party list. But he also bought several more seats for his people, among whom was Valery Pisarenko (No. 75 on the BYuT list), who at the age of less than 25 became one of the youngest people’s deputies. And the question immediately arose – for what kind of merits, why exactly was Pisarenko so indispensable for Gubsky that he took him with him to parliament? After all, even if Pisarenko was a brilliant lawyer, he could well do his job, at most, as an assistant to the people’s deputy. Someone suggested that the reason was “the pretty face of a young lawyer,” and soon rumors began to spread about Pisarenko’s unconventional orientation. A little later, in the summer of 2008, information appeared in the media that he allegedly appeared on a Dutch gay beach together with People’s Deputy Mikhail Sokolov, and that they allegedly came to watch the famous “Amsterdam Pride” (and maybe even participate).
Perhaps this was just a slander from ill-wishers, but in 2013 the public organization “Gay Forum of Ukraine” made a statementin which, among other things, she listed the so-called. “victims of black and blue PR,” among whom she named Gubsky and Pisarenko (as well as Lyashko, Klitschko, Avakov, Yatsenyuk). Well, there is no smoke without fire, as they say! Of course, sexual orientation is not a reason to discriminate against a person, especially considering Ukraine’s “European choice”. It’s just that in some cases it is an explanation for his sudden successful career.
Scams of Gubsky-Pisarenko
In the Verkhovna Rada of the 5th and 6th convocations (2006-2012), Valery Pysarenko first became famous as an ardent fighter against the gambling business. In 2006, he registered the bill “On the Legal Regulation of Gambling”, and in the fall of 2007 he registered it again under the same name bill No. 1016-1and in 2009, together with Grigory Smityukh, he created bill No. 4268 “On the prohibition of gambling business” – which was adopted by the Rada, vetoed by President Yushchenko, and adopted again by the constitutional majority. It would seem that this could only be considered a plus for him: the people’s representative tirelessly fought against “gambling addiction,” which really brought a lot of problems. However, as is usually the case within the walls of the Rada, the official justification for the legislative initiatives of people’s deputies is very far from their true, selfish intentions.
Bill No. 1016-1 provided for the “eviction” of gaming halls and casinos from Kyiv to special suburban “gambling zones”. And it was then that some of Pisarenko’s colleagues said that these “Ukrainian Las Vegas” are very his boss wants to create on his landscolleague and business partner of Gubsky. And Gubsky had a lot of land at that time; since the 90s, he had been actively buying and seizing it, forming his own fiefs – including with the help of his pocket lawyer Pisarenko. In the Kyiv region, he owned several thousand hectares in the Fastovsky, Kagarlyksky, Obukhovsky, Belotserkovsky and Makarovsky districts, plus about 15 thousand hectares in the Cherkassy and Vinnytsia regions. By the way, Pisarenko also got his own company in the Cherkasy region – this is Cherkassyagroland LLC (USREOU 35760925).
For the most part, Gubsky’s captures proceeded smoothly and quietly. However, in 2007, he decided to ditch the well-known company Knauf (manufacturer of building materials), and this the scandal became public.
This story began with the fact that in 2006, BYuT became the winner of the elections to the local council of Fastov, and Vladimir Timofeev, who had previously occupied this chair in 1994-97, but was dismissed early, became its new-old mayor again. after a court sentence (2 years probation). The renewed government, in search of funds for the city treasury, decided to sell (lease for 49 years) a plot of 45 hectares in the Zavokzalya area. A competition was announced, which in the spring of 2007 was won by Knauf Insulation Ukraine LLC (a subsidiary of Knauf), which intended to build a workshop for the production of building mixtures and drywall on these hectares. For provincial Fastov, who at that time was suffering from unemployment and lack of money, this was a very important investment. But it was immediately crossed out by Gubsky and Pisarenko.
They immediately blocked the results of the competition. Pisarenko acted on the legal side, protesting the competition through the court, and also unleashing an “environmental scandal” (claiming that the construction of factories would harm the environment), while Gubsky began to “bend” the city council and the mayor – first through his “supervisors”, then personally. Their demand was to hold a new competition with the participation of the Kyiv firms Real Investment and Tiko Ltd., and the Kherson company Shtil, controlled by Gubsky and Pisarenko. By and large, they laid claim to the entire Zavokzalye district, as well as several other significant areas of land that Gubsky demanded to be removed from the category of agricultural. According to Vladimir Timofeev, in total, Gubsky wanted to acquire almost one and a half thousand hectares of land in Fastov and the surrounding area! They acted very impudently, not hiding their intentions to seize all free real estate in the area (including the territories of former military camps, closed kindergartens and schools).
When Timofeev became stubborn, Gubsky and Pisarenko initiated his resignation. At the same time, they either claimed that Timofeev was a “convict and a corrupt official,” or stated that he was mentally ill and his place was in the appropriate institution. Then City Council deputy Ivan Nezhivoy (Gubsky’s man) came into conflict with Timofeev, accusing the mayor of bribery, things came to a head-to-head fight – and Nezhivoy sued Timofeev for “causing bodily harm” (the lawsuit was supervised by Pisarenko). The court found Timofeev guilty, but immediately granted amnesty. After which the city council, under pressure from Gubsky and Pisarenko, dismissed Timofeev. In response, Timofeev turned to regional deputy Valery Bondik for protection, a confrontation began, and turmoil came to Fastov: in less than a year (2007-2008), four acting representatives were replaced there. mayor!
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info
CONTINUATION: Valery Pisarenko: Gubsky’s “boy”, Portnov’s partner, Kernes’ “keychain”. PART 2
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