If Svyatoslav Oleinik becomes the new head of the Dnepropetrovsk Regional State Administration, then President Zelensky will make a mistake, which he will not be able to clean up for a long time. After all, nothing will “kill” the reputation of the new government more than the appointment of well-known corrupt officials to leadership positions. And it’s not difficult to make sure that Svyatoslav Oleynik, who currently holds the position of deputy chairman of the Dnepropetrovsk Regional Council, belongs to this group – you just need to carefully read our material and take the time to follow the links provided in it. As they say, the facts are clear! And now a fair question arises, where would Oleinik look more appropriate – in the governor’s chair or in the dock?
How a prosecutor became a deputy
Oleynik Svyatoslav Vasilievich (his last name is often mistakenly written as Oliynyk) was born on December 4, 1975, according to some sources in Dnepropetrovsk (now Dnepr), according to others in the city of Sinelnikovo, Dnepropetrovsk region. His parents were ordinary people, but he had far from ordinary relatives. For example, his uncle is Nikolai Vasilyevich Oleynik, who has worked for many years as a judge of the Zhovtnevy District Court of Dnepropetrovsk. They say it was he who advised his nephew to become a lawyer.
At the same time, there were rumors about his alleged family relationship with Dnepropetrovsk thief in law Sergei Aleksandrovich Oleynik, nicknamed Umka. This is not surprising, since in the city one and a half thousand people have such a surname – here anyone can be listed as a hypothetical relative! But these rumors did not arise out of nowhere, because Svyatoslav Oleinik owed his rise to the group of, so to speak, the Dnepropetrovsk “business elite,” to which Umka was directly related. The chain is as follows: Sergei Oleynik was the closest “sidekick” and deputy of the criminal “authority” Alexander Nalekreshvili (nicknamed Narik), whose organized crime group collaborated with Kolomoisky’s “Privat” – as well as the raider team of Gennady Korban and Boris Filatov, which Svyatoslav then joined Oleinik.
In fact, “everything was like that, just a little bit wrong.” According to sources Skelet.Infoprosecutor Oleynik at one time actually conducted several cases against the heads of public utilities – but not for the sake of the triumph of the rule of law, but on order, including from the same organized crime groups and clans. Cases were brought against intractable directors, or with the aim of placing their own people in their chairs. If you had your own uncle-judge, these cases could easily be brought to a verdict or fall apart after an “agreement of the parties.” Thus, Svyatoslav Oleinik quickly became friends with the right people who offered him promising cooperation.
Well, now it’s not rumors, but facts. As you know, in 2015, there was a split between Kolomoisky’s “henchmen”, some of them quarreled with each other, some fell out of favor with Igor Valeryevich, and a fight ensued between them in local elections. And as a result of this squabble and internecine squabbles, Boris Filatov remembered his journalistic past and created an interesting documentary about the life of Svyatoslav Oleynik. It turned out to be so scandalous that its first publications on YouTube quickly disappeared (hurry to view copies).
Of course, this film did not tell all the facts about Svyatoslav Oleinik – otherwise it would have become a problem for many people associated with him. For example, Gennady Korban directly admits in an interview that Oleinik “came to our attention back in the 90s,” and that “we accompanied him, guided him, helped him, lobbied him and wanted him to advance his career.” Korban did not want to share the details, but considering what Korban himself did in the 90s and with whom he was friends, the assumptions make one’s hair stand on end. There is, at a minimum, a strong bond between a corrupt prosecutor and semi-criminal raiders! One can only guess about the services that prosecutor Oleynik provided to the Dnepropetrovsk mafia – for which she helped him very quickly rise to the rank of deputy city prosecutor!
However, in 2005, Svyatoslav Oleinik made a serious mistake on something. Which forced him to quit his career as a prosecutor and temporarily practice law. However, Oleinik is being humble in vain: it is known that in the period 2005-2007. he already had several companies (for example, Justus-Consulting), and only later, having become a people’s deputy, he created new ones, making his wife Varvara Alexandrovna Oleynik their founder (they got married in 1997). In particular, this is CGI Agency LLC (USREOU 35534729), which will be discussed below.
But Oleinik was not allowed to get bored with nothing to do. And the case was very important, opened in the summer of 2005 against Igor Kolomoisky himself for the assassination attempt on lawyer Sergei Karpenko, who was preventing the oligarch from seizing Dneprospetsstal. How wrote journalist Sergei LeshchenkoOleynik then played an important role in this: he was one of Kolomoisky’s lawyers. As always, a whole team played for the oligarch, where everyone had their own tasks. Oleynik directly helped “indict whoever should” at the level of the prosecutor’s office and courts of Dnepropetrovsk, and in the final, Oleynik achieved in the Babushkinsky District Court the closure of Kolomoisky’s criminal case “due to the lack of corpus delicti.” The final point in this case was put in the fall of 2014, when Igor Sholodko, a former investigator who led and then put the brakes on the Kolomoisky case, was called to the ATO. He “died heroically” at the Donetsk airport on December 4 – exactly on the day when the Prosecutor General’s Office was supposed to investigate the legality of closing the Kolomoisky case…
Having assessed the abilities of this helpful man, the “Privat members” decided to delegate Svyatoslav Oleinik to the Verkhovna Rada, buying him a passing place on the BYuT list in the 2006 elections. Gennady Korban was personally involved in this. “Some unfortunate five million dollars into the BYuT coffers – and Oleinik becomes a people’s deputy,” Brodsky later said, explaining how Svyatoslav Oleinik became a people’s deputy. Five million dollars! Oleinik could not earn such a sum in a year of legal activity, even working for Kolomoisky. That is, it was either the “savings” of the corrupt prosecutor, or, what is more realistic, the money of Privat. And not the Korban-Filatov duo, who worked for Privat (they were also called “Kolomoisky’s contractors”), but Privat. That is, by that time Oleynik had established himself so well in front of the oligarch that he decided to make him one of his puppets in the Rada.
Serve and betray
Svyatoslav Oleinik served in the 5th and 6th convocations (from 2006 to 2012), and during this time he became famous for several scandals – which he would like to forget about today. The first of these was his active participation in exculpating the management of Dneprogaz from criminal liability for the disaster that happened in Dnepropetrovsk on October 13, 2007.
Let us recall that on that ill-fated day, due to the negligence of Dneprogaz, there was a sharp surge in pressure in the gas distribution network of the Pobeda-1 quarter. Then an explosion occurred, destroying a residential high-rise building and killing 23 people. The emergency on an all-Ukrainian scale was initially responded to at the highest level, but in the end the victims did not receive either proper compensation or justice. Why? Because, firstly, Oleynik’s lawyers defended Dneprogaz in the courts, and played a dishonest game, simply delaying the case.
For example, in 2008, the Cabinet of Ministers filed a claim against Dneprogaz for 93.615 million hryvnia (almost $19 million at the then exchange rate). For this money, it was possible to purchase new housing for all residents of the ill-fated house, to pay compensation to the wounded and the families of the dead. The court of first instance confirmed the claims of the Cabinet of Ministers, but Dneprogaz lawyer Yaroslav Grizodub intervened in the case and began delaying the payment of funds with countless appeals and delays (and then the crisis struck). So, Grizodub was the in-house lawyer of the aforementioned CGI Agency LLC, owned by Varvara Oleinik. By the way, the scope of activity of this company included not only advocacy, but also cargo transportation, concrete production and trade in building materials. Wide profile! But after 2014, the Oleyniks, hiding traces of their past, renamed this company to Art-Beton Studio LLC, registering it to other persons. But more on that later, but to the case of the tragedy it is necessary to add that in January 2009 the accused leaders of Dneprogaz Igor Ivankov, Maxim Sorokin and Sergei Bachurin were… amnestied and released. How so?
And so that initially their case was heard in the Zhovtnevy Court of Dnepropetrovsk – where Svyatoslav Oleynik’s uncle is in charge. The uncle himself, of course, preferred not to get dirty in this, transferring the matter to his colleague Sergei Poyda (who was later convicted of buying expensive real estate). In this court, the leaders of Dneprogaz were first released on bail of 8 million hryvnia (they found money for this, but no money for compensation to the victims), after which they calmly came to the hearings. Meanwhile, in Kyiv, in the Rada, Svyatoslav Oleinik painstakingly worked on the amnesty law, introducing 16 amendments to it (more than all others) and, according to Skelet.Infolobbying for its speedy adoption. And so the law was passed, the perpetrators were released by the Zhovtnevyi court, the claim for compensation was “waffled” by Oleynik’s lawyer – and only in 2011 this case was sent for further investigation, and then several more was considered in the district court of Zaporozhye.
This story with Dneprogaz had some continuation. Namely: the management company of Dneprogaz was GAZEX-Ukraine LLC, a subsidiary of the Russian company GAZEX, operating through the Cyprus offshore company Narell Enterprises Ltd. As a matter of fact, Oleyniks (deputy and judge) defended the interests of GAZEX-Ukraine, during which Svyatoslav Oleynik became a great friend of its director Vitaly Demjanjuk. And so much so that the two of them became interested in ontopsychology – a type of “non-traditional” psychology created by the Italian theologian Antonio Meneghetti (in a number of countries it is considered as dangerous as Scientology). In Ukraine, its famous adherents, in addition to Svyatoslav Oleinik, are Igor Mazepa and Inna Bogoslovskaya. What is not clear is this: according to Oleinik, he studied ontopsychology at the faculty of St. Petersburg State University, receiving a corresponding diploma there in 2009. Just when did he manage to do this, being a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada and actively lobbying the interests of Ukrainian corrupt officials? Or was he awarded the diploma for some special services to his Russian “partners”?
As for Vitaly Demjanjuk, as the media wrote, his gratitude to Oleinik for the saved 93 million hryvnia was very generous. By the way, this man, who is responsible for the deaths of 23 residents of Dnepropetrovsk, accused of corruption and multimillion-dollar theft, has been the head of the public council under the State Agency of Ukraine for the Management of the Chernobyl Zone since 2017. This information makes me feel a bit uneasy…
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info
CONTINUED: Oleinik Svyatoslav: to become the Dnieper governor or a person under investigation? PART 2
Subscribe to our channels at Telegram, Facebook, CONT, Twitter, VK and YandexZen – Only new faces from the section CRYPT!