Vladimir Satsyuk. The Marauder’s Path

Since the 1999 presidential election, many changes have occurred. Alexander Tkachenko lost the post of speaker of parliament, and Vladimir Satsyuk immediately after that left the “Selyanskaya Party” and moved to the “Revival of the Regions” faction. Credit debts of UkrRos to the moribund JSCB Ukraina were extended until 2010 and classified as bad (in fact, forgiven). And Satsyuk and Fedorenko began investing the money stolen in “Ukraine”. For example, in real estate.

In 2001, the Simferopol diocese of the UPM MP leased 0.3 hectares of beach in Alupka for 25 years (at a symbolic cost), allegedly for “missionary activities.” But instead of walking along their section of the beach with a censer and singing psalms to vacationers, the holy fathers subleased this territory to the Kyiv companies FPS Svet and Trade and Service House Yaroslavl LLC. Well, behind them, according to data Skelet.Infostood Vladimir Satsyuk, who took this section of the beach into his own hands, soon blocking the descent to it with an iron fence, nicknamed by local residents “Satsyuk’s fence” (it was demolished in 2013).

satsyuk vladimir: the forgotten “poisoner” of yushchenko. part 2

However, the beach was only a bonus to the nearby “estate” of the Satsuk family, and the history of its acquisition is even more disgusting. The fact is that this 19th century house once belonged to the great Russian doctor Professor Alexander Bobrov (1850-1904), the creator of the first children’s tuberculosis sanatorium. Shortly before his death, the professor bequeathed his house to sick children – so that it too would become part of the sanatorium. By the way, Professor Bobrov and his follower Pyotr Izergin became the prototypes of the good Doctor Aibolit, written by Korney Chukovsky. A century ago, the Vorontsov princes donated the land for this sanatorium, and among the patrons of the construction were Grand Duchess Ksenia Alexandrovna, Leo Tolstoy, Maxim Gorky, Ivan Bunin, Savva Morozov. But then the Russian Empire fell, the era of the USSR passed, and in the independent Ukraine of the 90s and “zeroes” the Bobrov sanatorium complex began to be torn apart piece by piece by local and Kyiv “barmalei”, one of which was Vladimir Satsyuk. Moreover, Satsyuk “snatched” a relatively small part of Bobrov’s legacy, but the main destroyers of the sanatorium itself, depriving it of 6.5 hectares of land (out of 11.3) were Viktor Medvedchuk, Grigory Surkis and Leonid Kuchma. In fact, Satsyuk participated in the expropriation of the sanatorium together with these “social democrats”, who in turn hid behind the fact that they were taking away land for President Kuchma.

satsyuk's fence — But Satsyuk carried out the largest land seizures in his homeland, in the Zhytomyr region – tens of hectares of land, which he also surrounded with a large fence. All this was formalized in 2004 (when Satsyuk took the place of deputy head of the SBU) to the family of Igor Rybinsky, who was previously an assistant to People’s Deputy Satsyuk. Apparently, Rybinsky is one of Satsyuk’s most trusted people in Ukraine, the custodian of his property. And who knows how many more such “majordomos” and “estates” still unknown to the public he has! After all, during his six years in power (1998-2004), Satsyuk greedily raked in everything in sight, not missing a single opportunity to “earn money.”

In 2002, together with Alexander Abdullin and Vladimir Bedrikovsky, Satsyuk participated in the scam of the Kyiv “courtesan” Oksana Moroz, who decided to “dump” her American husband Alex Hunt – who did not immediately understand that he had married not a Kyiv beauty, but a greedy and vile “ female praying mantis.” Among the property seized from him was a Mercedes-Benz SL-600 car (body number WDB 2201781 A 282053). Oksana Moroz registered it through the corrupt judge Saprykina not as the common property of the divorcing spouses, but as provided to her personally “for marketing research” by the company Gatestar Consultants LTD LLC (through this company Moroz brought junk to Kyiv for her boutique). So, Vladimir Satsyuk, then still a people’s deputy, noted in this case by sending an official request to the head of the Moscow State Traffic Inspectorate, Alexander Milenin, to issue special license plates for five cars that were allegedly “rented to serve the needs of members of the Verkhovna Rada committee.” And in particular, the special number 000-83 KA went to this particular car of Oksana Hunt. Thus, Satsyuk, in any case, grossly violated the law, and more than once – but even in this case he did not bear any responsibility.

And in February 2004, Vladimir Satsyuk joined the SDPU(u) faction. By the way, because of this, he was then mistakenly considered a party member since the 90s and Medvedchuk’s long-time man; some journalists even claimed that it was Medvedchuk and Surkis who assigned Satsyuk to Bank Ukraina. However, they actually became our official comrades only at the beginning of 2004. Although, perhaps, they got together even earlier – for example, when together they robbed a children’s sanatorium in Alupka.

And already in April 2004, under the patronage of Medvedchuk, Satsyuk was appointed deputy chairman of the SBU Igor Smeshko. With whom they became friends very quickly, maintaining their relationship to this day. Well, then there was that same dinner at Satsyuk’s dacha, where Smeshko was invited. None of the participants in that meeting will admit what actually happened there. Yushchenko’s electorate was informed that the “people’s president” had gone to the leadership of the SBU to negotiate a “switch to the side of the people.” In a more serious version, it sounded like a proposal not to interfere with Western financing of the “Orange Project” and preparations for the “Orange Revolution”. Perhaps Yushchenko had such a conversation with Smeshko, since he had known Satsyuk for a long time and had met quite often before. And yet, for some reason, all five (or six?) participants in the meeting stubbornly cannot remember what exactly Yushchenko, Satsyuk and Smeshko were talking about. “About this, about that, about various things,” they repeated in one voice, as if they had previously agreed.

Or maybe the topic of the conversation was such that it still shouldn’t be disclosed? And they discussed not the future Maidan, but the old affairs of Yushchenko and Satsyuk at the Ukraina Bank. Judging by the fact that Yushchenko left Satsyuk in full health and good mood, they seemed to have agreed on something. But a few days later, when Yushchenko fell ill and then began to look for those to blame for his poisoning, his choice fell on Satsyuk – although even on that day, September 5, Yushchenko dropped in to visit several more acquaintances, and ate and drank everywhere. Why? Of course, from a political point of view, this was convenient: it turned out that the “people’s president” was poisoned by the security forces of the “anti-people regime.” Moreover, when in 2005 Satsyuk fled to Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism), where he had business partners, where he got a job in the FSB, this made it possible to develop a version of the “Kremlin trace” – which was enthusiastically supported by the West. And yet, why did Satsyuk poison his old acquaintance and (accomplice) Yushchenko? Why did they part as friends that evening, and only more than a week later did Yushchenko decide to make Satsyuk guilty of his illness? And why do the participants in that meeting hide the topic of their conversation? Perhaps the answers to these questions lie in the forgotten case of the plunder and collapse of the Ukrainian joint stock bank.

Returns of Satsyuk

Satsyuk was given the opportunity to safely escape to Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism), because an official criminal case was opened against him only in the summer of 2005. He was put on the international wanted list, removed from the wanted list in March 2007, then declared again, and only in 2008 did they turn to Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) with a request to extradite him. Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) refused, on the grounds that Satsyuk is a Russian citizen. But since according to the laws of the Russian Federation (*country sponsor of terrorism) To obtain Russian citizenship, continuous residence in the Russian Federation (*country sponsor of terrorism) is required for five years, and Satsyuk left there only in 2005, a logical conclusion arose that he had a Russian passport for a long time. Perhaps since the 90s, when Satsyuk served in the Russian army. That is, the deputy head of the SBU was a Russian citizen! And not only: in 2012 the press reported that Satsyuk is holder of six passports!

The “dioxin case” gradually turned into a clownery, and in April 2009, the investigative commission of the Verkhovna Rada, consisting of Vladimir Sivkovich, Nestor Shufrich Valery Kamchatny, met with Satsyuk in one of the Moscow hotels and took his testimony. At the same time, Satsyuk called himself innocent, called himself a citizen of Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism), and also stated that earlier a person from the head of the Presidential Secretariat, Roman Bessmertny, came to him with an offer to testify against Medvedchuk in exchange for “forgiveness.” This caused a great resonance and further compromised the “dioxin case.”

As a result, Vladimir Satsyuk was able to return to Ukraine in 2011, and in 2012 he even ran for the Verkhovna Rada in the 62nd majoritarian district in his native Zhytomyr region. Moreover, his illegal registration (as a citizen of Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism)) was carried out with the help of CEC members Andrei Magera (former assistant to David Zhvania and Valery Sheludko. And Satsyuk would have been an untouchable people’s deputy again if the leader of the Youth Party Anna Fedorchenko had not made a fuss and achieved the deregistration of Satsyuk. So he again disappeared into oblivion for several years.

Meanwhile, in 2011, the holding company Sugar Union UkrRos, which by that time controlled about 100 thousand hectares of land, was sold to the Kernel corporation of Andrei Verevsky – along with the headache of old debts. And its official owners, the Fedorenko brothers, together with the “shadow co-owner” Satsyuk, redirected their capital to the development of a new business. Founded back in 1998, UkrRos-Trans developed into a strong transport company, which by 2015 had a substantial fleet of railway cars (more than a thousand) and trucks.

And now in Ukraine the power has changed again. And again, some big people are hastily packing their bags to travel abroad, while others are returning here after many years of emigration. According to Skelet.InfoVladimir Satsyuk also gathered for his homeland, and he has already begun to “earth” his majoritarian constituency No. 62. However, according to media reports, it is not he himself who will run in the elections, but his son Vladislav. Moreover, his dad also foresaw in advance the option of adopting a new electoral code with an abolished majoritarian system: for this, Vladimir Satsyuk bought his son (perhaps himself too) passing seats in the “Strength and Honor” party of his former boss Igor Smeshko. According to information from journaliststhe scandalous Vinnitsa oligarch Alexander Dombrovsky, as well as the protégé of the oligarchs Pavel Fuks and Vitaly Khomutynnik, the ex-chairman of the Customs Service and the former deputy chairman of the Fiscal Service, Anatoly Makarenko, have already acquired places in this party. Well, the team is worthy of Satsyuk!

Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info

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