Igor Rainin
As predicted, the team of ex-president Poroshenko is crumbling before our eyes and scattering in all directions. And if it is not difficult for experienced “lookers” and “deciders” to find a place for themselves in new political projects, then it is now very difficult for such worthless performers as the former head of the Administration Igor Rainin. All his life he had relied on patrons to drive his career, and now he was left alone with his uselessness. Will we see him again in the leadership chair, will he be lucky to get into the new parliament, or will Rainin’s fate be to end up in the dock?
Cooperation engineers
Rainin Igor Lvovich was born on August 6, 1973 in Kharkov, in the family of engineer Lev Mikhailovich Rainin, a descendant of native Kharkov Jews who settled in the city in the 19th century. This fact is worth mentioning because Igor Rainin’s ethnic origin greatly contributed to his career. However, as well as the career of his friend, boss Boris Lozhkin, also a former head of President Poroshenko’s Administration, now vice-president of the World Jewish Congress.
Lev Mikhailovich was the first to start a business in their family, who realized even during “perestroika” that a simple Soviet engineer could live much better if he worked not only for a salary, but also for the “cooperator’s” fees. In 1990, he placed his son, who graduated from high school, in the “Adjuster” cooperative, as a gas equipment adjuster. The work is too responsible for a minor boy without a specialized education, so there were rumors that Igor Rainin only handed over wrenches – but received money as a qualified specialist.
In order to “get his son out of the army,” Rainin’s father decided to enroll him in a “civil-military” university, and for two years he arranged a deferment from conscription. Only in 1992 did Igor Rainin manage to enter the Kharkov Aviation Institute (KhAI) to major in engines and power plants for spacecraft. Then his dad transferred him to work at the State Enterprise “Engineering and Consulting Center “Techservice”, to the position of… installation engineer. How could a nineteen-year-old freshman work in an engineering position? Apparently, the same as a gas equipment adjuster.
From 1993 to 1996, student Igor Rainin worked (or was listed) as a section manager in another of his father’s cooperatives, PKF Agris (USREOU 21240814), and then became deputy director of the Educational, Research and Production Center “Labor Safety” LLC (USREOU 22723182 ), which is still one of his parents’ main businesses. Finally, having received a KhAI diploma in 1997, Igor Rainin received as a gift from his father the position of general director of the family company Labor Protection.
However, for some reason that remains undisclosed, in April-August 1998, Igor Rainin went from Kharkov “to hell in the middle of nowhere”, to the very edge of the region, to the pretty village of Kolomak (population 2800 people) where he worked as a specialist for four months in the district administration. Again, it was not clear, in what particular field could space propulsion engineer Igor Rainin work there as a specialist? And why did his first experience in public service end so quickly – after which Rainin disappeared altogether for almost two years? What is known is that Rainin’s civil service was assigned to his father’s old friend Alexey Logvinenko, who then held the position of deputy head of the Regional State Administration.
How to steal “Turboatom”
Alexey Logvinenko
In 1988, a teacher at Kharkov State University, Alexey Logvinenko (b. 1955), went to work at the regional committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine. There he was entrusted with the position of head of the academic department at the local branch of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism, which in Logvinenko’s current biography is modestly described as the “Institute of Public Policy.”
At the same time, in Kharkov, the young first secretary of the Moscow district committee of the Komsomol Viktor Subbotin (born 1959) was promoted and took the position of first secretary of the city Komsomol committee. Very quickly he met Logvinenko, and found a like-minded person in him – but not in matters of Leninism, and even in the theory of “perestroika,” but in the desire to engage in “entrepreneurship.” For Subbotin, it was insurmountable, so already in 1990 he quit his administrative position and began transforming the “Komsomol cash desk” into commercial banks: “Youth Commercial”, “Region Bank” and “Dobrodiy”. Since 1992, he became deputy director and main owner (more than 60%), and since 1995, chairman of the board of Dobrodiy, which he renamed Megabank – which became one of the leading banks in the Kharkov region, with which there were many corruption and even criminal schemes. Soon Logvinenko became the chairman of the bank’s supervisory board.
Victor Subbotin
Already in 1998, the Kharkov-based Turboatom opened its accounts with Megabank. Engineering giants play the same important role in the life of Kharkov as metallurgical plants do in the life of Donetsk. Although their production is more complex, and the finished product cannot be pushed as easily as steel slabs, the demand for turbines is more or less stable, as are world prices. Therefore, at Turboatom, according to data Skelet.InfoKharkov moneybags and semi-criminal groups have been licking their lips for a long time. Many have tried to take over an enterprise using the classic Ukrainian scheme, that is, by bankrupting it and hooking it on the credit needle, and then taking the shares for debts. For example, at the beginning of the 2000s, Arsen Avakov, through his Investor-Neftegaz LLC (a subsidiary of Investor JSC), supplied gas to two of his own companies, which “attached” to the Kharkov CHPP-3 and CHPP-4. And through CHPP-3, which supplies electricity and heat to Turboatom, he intended to put the enterprise into debt in order to then privatize it together with Konstantin Grigorishin. It is worth noting that Grigorishina, according to SKELET-infoas an active financier of the Communist Party of Ukraine, was then supported by one of the members of the State Securities and Stock Market Committee, Vladimir Petrenko, also a member of the Communist Party. And, being also the secretary of the Interdepartmental Commission of the Cabinet of Ministers for Countering Raiding, he lobbied his interests before the head of the commission Mykola Azarov, who was then Deputy Prime Minister.
In 2005, Avakov headed the Kharkov Regional State Administration, and the fight for Turboatom intensified. Grigorishin already owned 14% of the shares and formed a team of his people at the enterprise, headed by deputy director Evgeniy Belinsky (since 2006 – general director), and a good half of the working capital of the plant (141 million hryvnia) lay in deposit accounts in the Avakovo bank “Basis” (according to a ridiculous annual rate of 3%), that is, there was a washout of profits. However, in 2006, with the help of Energy Minister Yuriy Boyko, 75% of the shares of Turboatom were transferred to the state concern Ukratomprom, which was created at the same time (existed until 2008), and the privatization of the plant failed. Grigorishin began to lose interest in the enterprise, but Belinsky, with the help of his entrepreneur son living in Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism), created an intermediary company that made good money by supplying turbines to Russian enterprises.
However, all this time Subbotin’s group also fought for “Turboat”. The plant also kept deposits in its Megabank, and for an even larger amount – about 200 million hryvnia. And in the spring of 2007, Subbotin won: although the privatization of Turboatom was postponed indefinitely, he became its general director. Belinsky tried to resist, and even staged a seizure of the plantbut in the end he lost – and Subbotin still runs Turboatom. And here’s the most interesting thing: the fact is that back in April 2007, Avakov was against the appointment of Subbotin and strongly supported Belinsky (as Grigorishin’s man), and just a couple of months later he began to actively support Subbotin. Moreover, Avakov then began to be called a lobbyist and patron of Subbotin. Which, in many respects, explained why Subbotin unshakably remained in his position both under Prime Minister Tymoshenko (2008-2009), and after the second Maidan (since 2014), even despite stream of damning complaints from Belinsky’s team.
Why? Sources Skelet.Info reported on behind-the-scenes agreements between Avakov and Subbotin, who decided to peacefully divide Turboat among themselves – not its shares, but its profits, which they used through their banks and companies. But this agreement did not arise suddenly. Back in 2005, Alexey Logvinenko, an old friend of Subbotin and, at the same time, one of the shareholders of Megabank and the chairman of its supervisory board, became Avakov’s advisor. In 2006, Logvinenko was elected to parliament under the banner of Batkivshchyna, remaining faithful to it until 2011, when he switched to Natalya Korolevskaya’s Forward Ukraine party.
Why did we tell you this story of the economic takeover of Turboatom? Because Lev Rainin has been a good friend of Logvinenko since the 90s (or not since the 80s). It was Alexey Logvinenko who was the patron of his son Igor Rainin, as well as of another Kharkov “young talent” Boris Lozhkin. And it was thanks to Logvinenko that they were able to reach the peak of their careers as heads of the presidential administration.
But there is something else: the budget of Turboatom also feeds the family company Raininov, Labor Protection, whose director is now Lev Mikhailovich. In 2015, the company hit a good jackpot from the plant, having sold him 654 thousand hryvnias fromprotective clothing and protective equipment, increasing their cost by more than double! Similar contracts were concluded in 2016-2018. It is clear that the general director of the enterprise, Subbotin, gave the go-ahead for this scam.
The path of the sexot
After the “Kolomak exile”, Igor Rainin disappeared for two whole years (from August 1998 to June 2000): this period is marked in all his biographies as a blank spot. It is only known that in 1999 his son was born (Rainin got married in 1995), but what was he doing then? Formally, Rainin then studied at the Kharkov branch of the National Academy of Public Administration (formerly the Higher Party School), which was even logical after his work in the civil service in Kolomak. However, from a young age, Rainin never “sat idle,” even while studying at KhAI (and this was much more difficult), he simultaneously worked at his father’s companies. Therefore, it was very similar to a forced flight, perhaps abroad – and it would be very interesting to find out about its reasons.
Again, in July 2000, Igor Rainin, a graduate of the Academy of Management with honors (in his words), for some reason returned to work at his father’s OOO UNPC Labor Protection, as executive director. And he humbly waited for his happy hour until March 2001, when he was assigned to work at the Kharkov Regional State Administration. Rainin received a position there as head of the Department for Coordination of International Technical Assistance Projects under the Main Directorate of Economics (GUE). But in April 2002, he became deputy head of the State Administration of Economics of the Kharkov Regional State Administration, working there until April 2010. Moreover, in 2005, with the arrival of Arsen Avakov at the Regional State Administration, Rainin was even slightly promoted to first deputy head of the State Administration of Economics – which was facilitated by his patron Logvinenko, who became Avakov’s adviser. And during this period of time, Rainin also managed to be an assistant to People’s Deputy Logvinenko on a voluntary basis.
But Rainin never mentioned something in his biographies: how in 2009 he became an SBU agent under the pseudonym “Aviator”, how he received the task of meeting with famous and influential people (including Avakov) and then “knocking” ” at them. At the same time, in these reports he called Avakov “a drunkard and a rapist of his colleagues,” and Alexander Davtyan an “anti-Semite.” By the way, this was not the only case when Igor Rainin behind his back criticized people who provided him with patronage and services. Later, when these facts were published, Rainin could only deny everything.
In March 2010, Avakov was dismissed, and Mikhail Dobkin, who had previously been the mayor of the city (2006-2010), became the new governor of Kharkov. Relations between the city and the regional in Kharkov had been difficult for years, so when Dobkin came to the Regional State Administration, he began a big purge – during which Rainin also suffered. Here Logvinenko could not help him in any way, although Dobkin at that time more than once spoke positively about Subbotin, who remained the director of Turboatom.
For two months (May-June) Igor Rainin managed to find a job as director of the Kharkov Institute of Metrology – but then he flew out of there. And for the next four years, he quietly sat in the position of deputy director of Syntoflex LLC (USREOU 36815660), the founders of which are Andrey Kryuchkov and Stanislav Skripai – people directly related to Rainin’s business and are the founders of several companies in which he and his relatives worked.
In the fall of 2010, Rainin went into politics – purely conditionally, of course. Then Avakov assembled the “Batkivshchyna” team in the elections to the regional council: he himself was number one, Rainin was eighth, and Igor Baluta (former head of the State Administration of Labor and Social Security of the Kharkov Regional State Administration) was ninth. When Avakov was elected as a people’s deputy in 2012, Rainin became his assistant.
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info
CONTINUED: Rainin Igor: Poroshenko’s Kharkov guard. PART 2
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