Peter Dyminsky: oil oligarch and road killer. PART 2

CONTINUATION. BEGINNING: Peter Dyminsky: oil oligarch and roadkill. PART 1

But Pyotr Petrovich went further, and the partner enterprises of the Galicia refinery only partially paid him for the supplied fuel, increasing their debt to him, which in 2001 reached 92 million hryvnia. Moreover, “Galicia” acted as a financial guarantor for LLC “Neft Eurotrade”, “Europe II” and “Continuum-Len-Kontrakt”, which received loans from banks for 40.9 million hryvnia – and were in no hurry to pay for them.

Dyminsky and his companions Lagur, Ivakhiv and Eremeev successfully invested all this money. In addition to transferring funds to the Kyiv companies Ukrprommettorg and Ukrsim, they bought FC Karpaty (according to the “helped – put into debt – bought out” scheme), whose president was Dyminsky. Moreover, he was driven not so much by the love of football as by another attack of greed: together with the FC, he acquired the Lviv stadiums “Ukraine” and “Yunost”, which belonged to the club, as well as two hotels and a sporting goods store. But the main thing is that during the destruction of the Galicia oil refinery, Dyminsky received 42% of the company’s shares (registered to the company New Tone LLC). Later they were sold to the Privat group. Also during 2000-2002. Dyminsky became a co-owner of the pharmaceutical company Ukrmedtorg, Index-Bank and a number of enterprises in Western Ukraine – becoming one of the five richest people in the region.

However, in 2002, on the initiative of the Lvov Tax Administration, headed by Sergei Medvedchuk, the Galicia Oil Refinery and the companies of Dyminsky, Lagur, Ivakhiv and Eremeev, as they say, were specifically visited by inspection bodies: auditors, inspectors, and then investigators and special forces. The investigation lasted more than two years and established shocking facts: suspicion of tax evasion in the amount of 421.65 million hryvnia, non-payment of more than 300 million in excise duty, illegal VAT refund in the amount of over 50 million hryvnia. And this, we emphasize, does not count about 100 million dollars (at least) that were semi-legally transferred offshore under Dyminsky’s scheme with a markup on oil.

Eggs and baskets by Peter Dyminski

Connections helped Dyminsky and his partners get out of a difficult situation. The first thing he did was to slow down and ruin the case, giving it a political character, since the initiator of the checks and investigation was Sergei Medvedchuk, the brother of Viktor Medvedchuk, who became the head of President Kuchma’s Administration in June 2002. At the same time, Stepan Kubiv’s Credit-Bank and Evgeniy Chervonenko’s Orlan-Trans, which were one of the sponsors of Viktor Yushchenko’s political campaign, fell under the ax of the Lvov tax authorities. And Pyotr Dyminsky decided to take advantage of this in order to also become a “victim of the regime.” Fortunately, one of the persons involved in the oil scams, Mikhail Gladiy (the governor of the Lviv region, who controlled 25 shares of the Galicia oil refinery) at that time was one of Yushchenko’s associates and sponsors.

Dyminsky only had to come out in support of the “people’s president” – which he did, running in the 2002 elections under the flags of “Our Ukraine”. Another guarantor for Dyminsky was Kiev lawyer Nikolai Katerenchuk, who was also part of Yushchenko’s inner circle. It was Katerenchuk, who became the first deputy chairman of the State Tax Administration of Ukraine in 2005, who would stop and close all cases against Dyminsky and his associates on the topic of “Galicia”, turning the accusation against the switchmen – the plant administration.

Nikolay Katerenchuk for European values!

However, having received the mandate of a people’s deputy and joining the Our Ukraine faction, Dyminsky was able to stand up for himself – by becoming a member of the investigative commission of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine “to clarify the circumstances of the commission of unlawful actions by tax service employees, which led to the stoppage of the work of OJSC NPK -Galicia! It was the height of cynicism and political bullshit to respond to accusations of large-scale financial fraud by creating a parliamentary commission, which in response accused the tax and investigative authorities of illegal actions!

However, Dyminsky has a habit of putting his eggs in all baskets. Therefore, having been elected to the Verkhovna Rada in 2002 as “our Ukrainian”, together with Katerenchuk, Gladiy and Oleinik, a year later he suddenly made a feint with his ears and moved to the faction… “Regions of Ukraine”! Dyminsky’s political betrayal was justified by the then temporary defeat of the “orange” opposition, and he decided to seek protection in the ranks of the comrades-in-arms of the new prime minister and Kuchma’s official successor. But he was forgiven for this, because, being in the Regions faction, Dyminsky continued… to finance Yushchenko’s election campaign. And not only her!

There is interesting information that Dyminsky actively financed some deputies of the Lviv city and regional councils, as well as some leaders of the Social Nationalist Party (since 2003 – VO “Svoboda”). Yes, sources Skelet.Info reported that Andrei Parubiy received a monthly salary of $1,000 from Dyminsky, along with his associates Radomsky and Koshulinsky. He also paid a “pension” ($1.5 thousand) to the head of the Lviv regional council, Mikhail Sendak (2002-2006), who, by the way, was also previously the director of the ATP, like Viktor Yanukovych.

But his desire to buy everyone quarreled in 2006 with his old friend Pyotr Oleinik, who again sat in the governor’s chair and refused Dyminsky’s stupid desire to carry out mass privatization across the region. After this, calling Oleinik “a waiter in power,” Dyminsky went into the shadows. The situation was aggravated by the complete failure in the 2006 elections of the ECO+25 party, which Dyminsky financed together with Sergei Taruta. Since then, the Western Ukrainian oligarch has been remembered very rarely, mainly only as the president of FC Karpaty and co-owner of the Continuum and WOG groups. However, Dyminsky left WOG in the spring of 2017, selling his 25% to Ivakhiv and Lagur. In 2016, his fortune was estimated at $106 million – and that was very little. Little compared to 2008, when Dyminsky’s capital was estimated at 610 million.

What happened? After all, Dyminsky’s business empire was not based on real estate or metallurgical plants, whose stock market value collapsed after the crises of 2008 and 2014. In addition to the oil and pharmaceutical business, Dyminsky owned entertainment complexes (Grand Resort, Split-Karpaty), JSC Lvovgaz, shares in banks, food enterprises and agricultural companies, the ZIK TV channel (whose shares he hid in Cypriot offshore companies) , as well as a leased piece of the Yavoriv military training ground (29 hectares), which Dyminsky turned into his hunting grounds, carefully guarded by the Ukrainian army. And you also need to remember that Dyminsky was or still is a co-owner of a number of companies that, in the period from 2011 to 2017, through the efforts of Igor Eremeev and Stepan Ivakhiv, won hundreds of tenders totaling over 20 billion hryvnia!

Dyminsky’s hunting lodge at the Yavorovsky training ground

So couldn’t all this have reduced its cost by 6 times?! The answer to this question is the information that not only Dyminsky, but also many Ukrainian oligarchs have been withdrawing their capital abroad for several years and reliably hiding it there – so it is not possible to fully calculate it. Well, in this case, Pyotr Dyminsky did not flee to Switzerland out of nowhere, and he may not even worry about the searches that Ukrainian law enforcement officers have recently been conducting in his Lviv and Kiev offices.

Per Dyminsky. Fugitive killer

Dyminsky did not make himself known in any way for a good 10 years, so it is not surprising that when his name appeared in crime news, many Ukrainians asked in surprise “who is this?” Oh, they didn’t yet know that he was not just an oligarch who once “ruled” the Lviv region, but also a skilled master of evading responsibility. Thus, information appeared in the media that Dyminsky did not think twice when he substituted one of his guards in his place – because this system has been working for him for a long time, and this is not the first DPT in which he ended up. But in this case, it was not immediately possible to hush it up: the fatal accident quickly received wide resonance.

So, on August 18, 2017, on the Lviv-Krakovets highway, a Mercedes S 65, which, according to witnesses, was driven by Peter Dyminsky, literally demolished a light Opel, in which 31-year-old Natalya Trila instantly died. After that, Dyminsky moved into his guard’s Lexus jeep, and left guard Andrei Borshch with himself at the broken Mercedes – whom the police arrived and detained as a suspect. Borsch was released under house arrest a few days later, and in general he supposedly has a certificate of disability of group 3 (how does he work as a security guard?), so it was heading towards a suspended sentence for a figurehead, and the new Ukrainian police were clearly involved in this. Dyminsky himself went to Switzerland, allegedly on business matters – and remains to this day, ignoring calls to Lvov to see the investigator.

His calculation is clear: to sit there until the trial, at which the verdict will be announced to Andrei Borshch, or to wait until the case is closed in another way. For Dyminsky, this is not the most difficult matter in his life; he avoided the accusations that very influential people brought against him. In the meantime, only the adviser to the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Anton Gerashchenko, has spoken out against Dyminsky – a figure, let’s say, not the most significant even at the level of his department. And this is despite the complete silence of the Prosecutor General’s Office and the meaningful grins of Lviv judges who have personally known Dyminsky since the 90s.

Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info

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