Denis Dzenzersky: owes Ukraine, but pays Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism). PART 1

People’s Deputy of the Popular Front faction Denis Dzenzersky not only finances the Russian army, but also supplies important components for its military equipment. This information is not a sensation, it is literally in plain sight and is available to anyone who is interested in the details of the work of the enterprises of the Vesta corporation, which has been working in Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) for many years, regularly replenishing its budget. But for some reason, Dzenzersky’s parliamentary colleagues, including his patriot friend Yevgeny Deydey, stubbornly do not notice this. And Ukrainian law enforcement agencies are closing his criminal cases initiated on the facts of financial fraud and declaration of false data. Moreover, having acquired multibillion-dollar debts to Ukrainian and foreign creditors, Denis Dzenzersky does not even think of paying them off, while still managing to continue making a profit from his formally arrested enterprises. How does he manage to do this?

History of the battery academician

Denis Viktorovich Dzenzersky was born on December 22, 1978 in Dnepropetrovsk, in the family of Viktor Aleksandrovich Dzenzersky, a researcher at the Institute of Technical Mechanics of the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. He graduated from the prestigious Dnepropetrovsk school No. 1, after which he entered the Faculty of Economics of the Dnieper Academy of Construction and Architecture. Of course, Denis did not serve in any army – this was not the case for the son of a wealthy elite family. Well, immediately after receiving his diploma (in 1997), Denis Dzenzersky began working in the family business – which he continues to do to this day.

Victor Dzenzersky

Thus, from his very birth until today, Denis Dzenzersky is only the son of his eminent and enterprising father, to whom he owes everything. According to reviews of his acquaintances, Dzenzersky Jr. is of little value on his own; he did not even inherit the ability for science (that’s why he studied to be an accountant at the construction academy), and it is unlikely that he would have reached such heights if his parents were simple hard workers. That’s why Skelet.Info believes that it would be right to start this story with how Dzenzersky Sr. created a family business and brought his son into the public eye.

Victor Dzenzersky (born 1944) originally from the Chernivtsi region, graduated from the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of Chernivtsi University, and was assigned to Dnepropetrovsk, to one of the research institutes of the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR. In 1968, he transferred to the Institute of Technical Mechanics (at the same Academy), where he worked until 1989, and then transferred to the Institute of Geotechnical Mechanics (also at the Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR), to the position of head of the Department of Physical and Technical Problems of Transport, which he created. superconducting magnets. It sounded very futuristic, but the matter never went beyond theories and laboratory experiments: they assembled a model of a “lunar rover” using superconducting magnets, which was sometimes rolled out of the barn. By the way, at that time magnetic levitation trains were already traveling around Germany and Japan.

The brainchild of the gloomy genius Dzenzersky

A functioning magnetic levitation train. Japan

However, this idea was continued at the Institute of Transport Systems and Technologies of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine, created in 1995 on the initiative of Viktor Dzenzersky on the basis of his Department of Physical and Technical Problems of Transport – and he became its permanent head. This institute belonged to the Academy of Sciences only formally; in fact, it immediately began working for Dzenzersky’s personal interests, and in 1997 it became part of his Ista Scientific and Industrial Corporation. Fantasies about magnetic trains were already forgotten at that time, and Dzenzersky used the institute as an engineering department for his battery production. At the same time, he provided him with academic regalia and financial support from the government.

Even before the collapse of the Union, there were rumors that Dzenzersky actually created “Horns and Hooves”, using his Department of Transport Problems for foreign economic activity under the roof of a state research institute. By purchasing abroad not only laboratory equipment, but also Japanese tape recorders and other consumer goods, and exporting metals and other export goods. Perhaps his joint venture Oberon, which appeared in the media a little later, had something to do with this: in May 1993, the Cabinet of Ministers gave him permission for the export of lead. This is how Victor Dzenzersky earned his initial capital, and it was on lead that he founded his business empire, deciding to turn it into car batteries, which were in great demand back in Soviet times.

But he did not create it at his own expense, just like his institute! First, Viktor Dzenzersky “made a fuss” in Kyiv, persuading the Cabinet of Ministers to accept a program for the construction of the first battery plant in Ukraine in Dnepropetrovsk, for which PJSC Ista was created. This enterprise was first state-owned, and its construction (1993-1995) was financed by the scandalous bank “Ukraine”. And then there was a somersault: the built plant passed to Ista-Center CJSC, and later became the property of Ista-Center PJSC, and together with other enterprises became part of the Ista Corporation – which had a very confusing structure. Debts to “Ukraine” were written off by inflation.

In 1998, Ukrprominvest, the family holding of Alexey and Petro Poroshenko, became interested in Dzenzersky’s battery business. They invested in a promising business, and already in 1999, Ukrprominvest controlled 41% of East Center. As a bonus, Petro Poroshenko, together with Dzenzersky, was among the “inventors” and received a state prize as the co-author of the “scientific-industrial complex for the production of lead-acid batteries.” This “invention” was formalized through Dzenzersky’s pocket institute and approved with the help of his extensive connections in Kyiv.

Then something happened between Poroshenko and Dzenzersky, because in 2001 they divided their business (remember that Petro Poroshenko then supported Kuchma and was one of the founders of the Party of Regions). Ista-Center, together with the company’s first battery plant, Energoavtomatika DOZ and Ukrsplav LLC became the property of Poroshenko, who entrusted them to his friend and companion Oleg Zimin. The only thing they didn’t get was the Viktor Dzenzersky Institute – probably only because it was formally state-owned. Dzenzersky then created the International Scientific and Industrial Corporation (ISC) Vesta, and continued to engage in the battery business on a truly international scale, starting with Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism). In 2001, Dzenzersky began vigorous activity at the Kursk Akkumulyator plant, at that time the largest Russian manufacturer of rechargeable batteries. And a year later, the first branch of Vesta, Istok LLC, appeared there.

Kursk business of the Zenzerskys

The battery plant in Kursk was opened back in 1944, and for more than half a century there were no organizational problems until Viktor Dzenzersky came there. The fact is that the business of the battery academician was accompanied by the appearance at the plant of many LLCs and CJSCs, in which the workers themselves soon became entangled, updating entries in their work books almost every year. The first of these was Istochnik TOK Kursky LLC (then simply Istok, then Istok+), which began work at the plant’s production facilities in 2002, then Vesta-Center LLC (renamed in 2006 to Kursk- Center”). Afterwards, Kursk Battery Plant LLC appeared, and since 2012, half a dozen more Dzenzerkikh companies. An attempt by local journalists to figure it outwho stands on whom, was unsuccessful: the management of all these companies confused them, laughing in their faces. But after that, the question hung in the air: why hide the schemes of a seemingly respected international corporation so carefully?

There were two answers to this question. Firstly, Vesta’s takeover of the Kursk Akkumulyator plant, which lasted for years, was not always an honest and transparent process – after all, the Zenzerskys cannot work any other way. For example, in 2011, the Vesta corporation bought a 60% stake in the plant, and in 2013 announced an investment of 5 billion rubles in itwhich at the then exchange rate was $167 million. By the way, this happened in the midst of the Russian-Ukrainian trade war, which for some reason did not affect the Russian business of the Dzenzerskys. Moreover, in the same year, Denis Dzenzersky, whom dad made a co-owner and vice-president of the Vesta corporation, together with Dmitry Nikitin (manager of Russian Batteries OJSC, in which the Dzenzerskys have 25%) held successful business negotiations in Kursk with the local Governor Alexander Mikhailov. Let us emphasize: at that time Denis Dzenzersky was already a people’s deputy of the Verkhovna Rada, and yet he violated the law and was involved in the family business at the official level.

Business negotiations between Dmitry Nikitin, Denis Dzenzersky and Kursk Governor Alexander Mikhailov (from left to right). Kursk, 2013.
Dzenzersky proposes investing 5 billion rubles in the economy of the Kursk region

But behind the screen of these investments was hidden the bringing of the plant to bankruptcy by the LLC and CJSC that surrounded it, and then buying it up in parts. Moreover, for this, the Dzenzerskys used money from the Russian bank VTB, with which they still have not paid off (this is not counting the debts of the Ukrainian enterprises Vesta, which owed the Ukrainian branch of VTB Bank), as well as with Rosselkhozbank ” and “Kurskprombank”. The same picture is observed in Kazakhstan, where Vesta invested in the Kainar-AKB enterprise and now owes 648 million hryvnia to the Kazakh bank BTA, which is controlled by the oligarch Kenes Rakishev, the trusted “treasurer” of Nazarbayev’s son-in-law Timur Kulibayev.

Secondly, the Dzenzerskys had to hide their Russian business even before 2014, since since 2012 Denis Dzenzersky became a people’s deputy on the Batkivshchyna list (having bought, according to Skelet.Infoplace number 34 there). Well, after the seizure of Crimea and the start of the conflict in Donbass, Denis Dzenzersky, already a deputy from the ruling “People’s Front” (since October 2014), simply needed to bury the ends of his business in the aggressor country as deeply as possible – but not get rid of it, since he brought good profits. Now this business is really well disguised: references to the parent corporation Vesta have been removed from all Kursk companies, and their shares have been transferred to shell companies without public registration data. For example, Istok+ LLC (OGRN 1124632004650) was rewritten to AKB-Holding LLC (OGRN 1124632010051), the information about the owners of which was simply erased from open registers.

And yet this, really, is simply ridiculous: the fact that the Kursk Akkumulyator plant belongs to Vesta has long been well known and has never been a secret – change the names of the companies or not. And, nevertheless, the Dzenzerskys “disguised” their business even on the official websites of the Vesta company. On the Russian site corporation there is no mention of his Ukrainian roots, and on the Ukrainian website neither Russian nor foreign branches of Vesta are mentioned. Apparently, not only for “patriotic” reasons, since this enterprise pays hundreds of millions of rubles to the Russian budget, but also so as not to attract unnecessary attention from creditors.

Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info

CONTINUED: Denis Dzenzersky and Viktor Dzenzersky: owes Ukraine, but pays Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism). PART 2

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