Being a professional populist and doing this since school age, the current head of the Kyiv Regional State Administration loves to talk about patriotism, love for Ukraine and the merciless fight against corruption. And he is capable of fooling many more naive ordinary people, especially if they did not know or forgot who Oleksandr Gorgan was and who he was before the Maidan. Thanks to our ignorance and the “blindness” of law enforcement agencies, people like Gorgan “stole” both before and after the Ukrainian revolutions, while climbing higher and higher up the career ladder.
Spurring on Patriotism
Gorgan Alexander Lyubomirovich was born on November 5, 1975 in the city of Kalush (Ivano-Frankivsk region), and from the moment of his birth until 2008 he bore his parents’ surname Lyalka. His parents Lyubomir Vasilyevich (born in 1940) and Anna Nikitovna (born in 1946) worked as doctors, having received an apartment in a multi-story building on Pushkinskaya Street in the late 70s, on the ground floor of which there were several shops. Doctors and workers in Soviet trade quickly found a common language, so young Sashko Lyalka fortified himself with sandwiches with “doctor’s” before training in sports sections. Nevertheless, this did not seem enough in their family, so they were ideological opponents of the “communist regime”, although for a time they did not express their views publicly. It was only in 1989, when the era of political liberalism began in the Ukrainian SSR and all sorts of parties and movements began to be created, that 14-year-old Alexander Lalka joined the SNUM (Union of Independent Ukrainian Youth). And it was with this step that his entire subsequent career began, which he owes to his ability to get along with the right people. It was behind their backs that Lalka grew up first as a “social activist”, then as a politician, and now as a high-ranking official.
In 1992, Oleksandr Lialka entered the Law Faculty of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Skeleton.Info there is information that the choice of this university, as well as admission to it, were made by Lalka with the help of his older patrons from the youth movement, with whom he diligently “hung out”. It is worth emphasizing that the Ukrainian “social activist” and “patriot” Alexander Lalka then simply had no time to pay his military debt to his homeland. He never served in the army – let’s remember this fact! But in our time, when at least some involvement in the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the ATO gives good political points, Lalka appeared several times at public events in military uniform and dashingly salutes the flag.
Moreover, in 2016, Oleksandr Lalka, having already become Oleksandr Gorgan and being a deputy of the Kyiv Regional Council, decided to involve his son Lyubomir (born in 2005) in the theme of “defending the fatherland”, making him a young hero. And so, a story appeared in the newsreel of the Ministry of Defense about how the head of the department Stepan Poltorpak personally (!) presented young Lyubomir Gorgan with a medal “For Assistance to the Armed Forces of Ukraine”. The pretext for the award was a heart-rending story about how a young patriot and exemplary scout (in the sense of “scout”) Lyubomir saved up for five years for his future studies abroad (and this is not quite patriotic), collecting dollar for dollar, which his parents gave him for good studies and success in sports. And with the start of the ATO, he gave the collected 2,500 dollars (the boy turned out to be richer than many adult Ukrainians) to buy a jeep for his father’s friend, who fought as a volunteer. Of course, not a word was said about who his father was and where he got so much money (how many fathers put 2.5 thousand “bucks” in their little son’s piggy bank?). And one can only guess how many more dollars, in addition to 2,500 “for the jeep”, Alexander Gorgan spent to “go” to the Ministry of Defense and negotiate a medal for his son. But you must agree that a “volunteer medal” at the age of 11 from the hands of the Minister of Defense himself is a good start for the career of a future “patriot-social activist”, if Lyubomir wants to follow in his father’s footsteps! No amount of money is too much here.
If the father wanted not only to give his son a gift, but also to achieve fame, then he succeeded. But attention was drawn not to Lyubomyr Gorgan, but to his father. Someone simply became interested in where he got his money from, but began to dig into his past. Having dug up that until 2008 Gorgan bore the surname Lyalka, and then for some reason changed it, that Oleksandr Gorgan is a candidate for the chair of the chairman of the Kyiv regional council from pro-presidential forces. And this interest intensified when Gorgan-Lyalka became the head of the Kyiv regional state administration.
Under Medvedchuk’s wing
In fact, Oleksandr Lalka had no time not only to serve in the army, but even to study – since 1994 he had already headed the “Union of Ukrainian Students” and was seen at various events much more often than at lectures. And in 1995, he not only became the deputy chairman of the Ukrainian National Committee of Youth Organizations (UNCYO), but also visited England, where he completed a course at the “Edwards Language School”. Moreover, these two events were directly related – Lalka paid for his trip (travel, accommodation, studies) from the public organization’s cash desk.
However, “Edwards Language School” is just a language school with a short (two to three months) forced course of studying English, but Alexander Lalka always proudly demonstrated this episode of his biography as “getting an education in England.”
But, apparently, it was not limited to spending money only on foreign trips and receptions, because in the same 1995, Lalka became a co-founder of the law firm “Justinian”. This was done mainly “for show”, the firm did not generate profit, and the student stipend was clearly not enough to pay office rent and taxes. But Lalka was not shy about dipping both hands into the money flowing through UNKMO. And there was a lot of money, since it was through UNKMO that state funding of Ukrainian youth and children’s organizations (more than 9 million hryvnia in 1997) passed, plus funds for loans for youth construction and mortgages. And not only state funding: at first, they also “mastered” a lot of grants from Western funds. There is information that Lalka was already mastering the science of “kickbacks” for providing more funding to some youth organizations to the detriment of others.
But Lalka’s immediate boss was the chairman of the UNKMO, Vladimir Ryabika (born in 1962), with whom they worked well for almost a decade. Moreover, Ryabika, who had previously worked in the LKSMU and then headed the Youth Marine League of Ukraine, knew Lalka well before 1995. Ryabika himself was one of the people of the odious Viktor Medvedchuk, and it was through Ryabika that Alexander Lalka came to “serve” Medvedchuk.
In 1997, after graduating from the university, Lalka remained the deputy chairman of the UNKMO – he couldn’t give up such a lucrative position! But in 1998, he became a co-founder of the joint venture “Legal Bureau “OLAS”. This company has long been in the process of liquidation, and it has left no traces in the public media, and it could be called another “dummy” if not for the rumors that it was associated with the activities of Medvedchuk’s structures. But, let us repeat, recently Gorgan-Lalka has been carefully destroying all information about his dealings with Medvedchuk, and even this company ceased its activities exactly when he was appointed governor of Kyiv.
In February 1999, the already balding Viktor Medvedchuk (born in 1954) became the chairman of the National Council on Youth Policy under the President of Ukraine (he headed it until 2005). And he immediately took Ryabika (his deputy) and Lyalka into the committee. For the next three years, these three people – Medvedchuk, Ryabika and Lyalka – ran youth policy and youth organizations in Ukraine. The only ones not subject to their control were the national-patriotic youth organizations financed directly from abroad, but they could put pressure on them through administrative lines.
UNKMO funding increased sharply (12 million in 1999 and 13 million in 2000), but even then financial audits revealed numerous violations and even outright theft. Years later, these thefts were not reported.People’s Deputy from Batkivshchyna, Alena Shkrum, will remember Lyalka. But despite the scandal, Ryabika and his deputy Lyalka remained in their chairs, which in 2000 caused a sharp negative reaction from some members of the UNKMO, who staged pickets demanding a change in leadership. However, the scandal was not only financial, but also political. Medvedchuk used UNKMO in the 1999 elections to campaign in favor of Kuchma, and then began to use its support in the growing confrontation with Viktor Yushchenko and the national patriots. In particular, youth pickets of protest against Prime Minister Yushchenko and Deputy Prime Minister Tymoshenko were organized through Lyalka. And this led to a split: in 2000, some members of UNKMO, led by one of Ryabika’s deputies, Vladimir Berezovsky, tried to stage a coup by separately electing him as the new chairman. During that split, Lyalka loyally supported Ryabika and, accordingly, Medvedchuk – something he would hardly want to remember now. Well, since all the administrative resources, the support of the Bankova and Verkhovna Rada, and control over finances were on the side of the Medvedchuk-Ryabika-Lyalka trio, the “rebellion” in the ranks of the UNKMO was quickly suppressed.
Against the backdrop of this scandal, a juicy cynical slap in the face of the Ukrainian public was the creation by Lyalka in 2000 of the all-Ukrainian youth organization “Youth Against Corruption,” which he headed for several years (and received funding for).
It is curious that later the then “democratic” opposition sought through the courts to deprive the UNKMO of its monopoly on the distribution of budget financing. And it was this monopoly, controlled by “Medvedchuk’s people”, that led to the creation of “bypass” routes for large-scale financing of youth organizations in opposition to the government by Western funds. In turn, Medvedchuk’s people staged a real war in 2001-2002 against the banks and organizations through which Western grants were being channeled.
But, despite the fact that all of Medvedchuk’s teams were already taking an anti-Western position, in 2001, Oleksandr Lalka again arranged for himself a large tour abroad at the expense of the UNKMO: this time he visited America under the cultural and political exchange program “International Visitor Leadership Program” – recording this in his portfolio as “studying in the USA”.
During the 2002 parliamentary elections, the UNKMO was mobilized by Medvedchuk to support the SDPU (o), on whose party list Ryabika received fourth place. But since direct support by the committee for any political force was not allowed, and the UNKMO leadership lied about its political impartiality, the Bloc of Ukrainian Youth (BUM) was created on its basis specifically for the elections. openly declaring his alliance with the Social Democrats. In which Alexander Lalka directly participated, although he did not get a passing place on the SDPU (o) list, and after the elections he had to be content with the role of assistant to the people’s deputy Ryabika, that is, to be with his boss again. And their successful and fruitful cooperation continued until the very first Maidan.
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info
CONTINUATION: Gorgan-Lyalka Alexander: Medvedchuk’s doll in the chair of the Kyiv governor. PART 2
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