– I myself was involved in the majority and I am responsible for the fact that we do not have a single paratrooper. Not a single one. Each candidate for the district is agreed upon with the head of the local party organization. Moreover, the leaders of party organizations themselves also run for office in their region,” Yuriy Lutsenko publicly assured at the BPP congress.
Unfortunately, Yuri Vitalievich’s words do not entirely correspond to reality. There are plenty of “paratroopers” according to the BPP quota. There are even more merged districts.
Exceptions to the rules
The presidential political force nominated its candidates in almost all single-mandate constituencies. Except for those that:
– previously agreed with Svoboda
As you know, in July, Svoboda and Udar jointly destroyed the parliamentary coalition, thereby provoking the dissolution of the Rada. “Svoboda” agreed to this solely under the guarantees of the authorities to support the candidates of Tyagnibok’s political force in a number of majoritarian constituencies (not to field competitors from the democamp against them). Specifically, in those districts that Svoboda took last time.
At Bankova they kept their promise. Thus, the following districts are included in the “Svoboda” asset: 116, 119, 125, 152, 162-164, 189, 215
– agreed with the “Front”
In order for “the chances of regionalists and communists to break into the Rada to be minimal.” This was said at the congresses of both political forces.
In practice, thematic negotiations on this matter were conducted, for the most part, by the candidates themselves. Thus, Alexander Turchinov, reading out his list of candidates at the congress, missed two Kyiv constituencies – the 218th and 219th, where people’s deputy Vladimir Ariev and the oligarch, ex-“beloved friend” Alexander Tretyakov are nominated from the BPP. An hour later, at the BPP congress, both of them confirmed to LB.ua that they had indeed agreed with their colleagues.
As of the current moment, in addition to these two (218-219), LB.ua has counted 15 more districts on which the “front-line soldiers” and the BPP were able to agree. By numbers: 22, 57, 59, 79, 86, 96, 115, 143 (questionable), 147, 149, 157, 169, 201, 202, 212.
In some of these districts there are still candidates from the BPP (in the 57th, in the Donetsk region, 143rd in the Odessa region, 86th in the Ivano-Frankivsk region), but this is more of a formal action than a real struggle.
I emphasize once again: this is as of the current moment. And although the law prohibits (!) making any changes to the election list and the list of majoritarian nominees after the party congress, in 2014 key political forces do not hesitate to cheat in this way. One thing is announced at the congress, another is circulating, and then a third appears on the Central Election Commission website.
So, it is possible that – regarding the BPP majoritarians – the CEC website will yet present us with some wonderful discoveries. However, these are remarks that do not greatly influence the essence of the analysis;
– located on the territory of Crimea (districts No. 1-10);
– are located on part of the ATO territories. Namely: No. 41, 46, 104, 105, 108, 109, 111, 114, 115, 116 (Donetsk and Lugansk regions).
Peculiarities
In the process of studying the majority vote of the BPP, several very unpleasant details were discovered.
Some districts were simply merged. Merged under the odious ex-regionals and officials of Yanukovych’s team. There are two drainage schemes: either the BPP does not nominate anyone at all in this constituency, or it nominates a frankly weak candidate.
Specific examples: 171st district (Vitaly Khomutynnik), 150th (Konstantin Zhevago), 24th drain under the person of Pinchuk, Yakov Bezbakh, 65th (Vladimir Litvin), 102nd (Olesya Dovgogo), 128th (Sergei Levochkin), 169th (Alexander Feldman), 192nd (Alexandra Geregu), 193rd (Nikolai Melnik, husband of Inna Bogoslovskaya (read more about her in the article Inna Bogoslovskaya: a woman without complexes and a politician without principles)), 70th (Mikhail Lanyo), 217th (Vadim Stolar). The 200th district of Anton Yatsenko and the 95th, which, apparently, were simply sold, are also questionable.
If we exclude the last two, we get eleven districts. Not bad, huh?
in some districts there were no worthy candidates. Here the BPP has blanks simply because the party in power has not found someone to nominate (63rd, 67th, 79th, etc.)
Interestingly, most of the leaks occurred under the Udar quota. Why, you should ask Vitali Klitschko. And if the party list was divided between the “Poroshenkoites” and the “Klitschkoites” in the proportion of 70 to 30, then according to the majority list the latter clearly got even less.
However, we digress. Let’s look at specific examples of leaks.
Textbook – 217th district of Kyiv. A young lady named Olga Lyulchak, whose nude photographs spread all over the Internet. And not only Ukrainian.
In 2012, a battle of titans took place here: Alexander Briginets from “Batkivshchyna” fought against the regional, Sergei Lyovochkin’s man, Vadim Stolar. The victory went to Briginets. Stolar, having licked his wounds, decided not to leave the district unattended – “he was investing it in the future.” Considering Lyovochkin’s closeness to Vitali Klitschko, this time Stolar hoped to occupy the favored Obolon district under the quota of the party in power, which would practically guarantee his victory. And we even agreed on this in advance. The plan was this: Briginets goes to the BPP list, Stolar goes to the 217th district. Briginets actually made it into the list – 75th, but Klitschko threw out Stolar.
Then Stolar made a simple combination. From Obolon, the BPP nominated this very Lyulchak, Stolar’s man. A little-known website immediately posted her photo online. The chain is closed, the scheme worked. The factor of support for the presidential political force was completely neutralized. Let’s hope the girl at least earned some money.
Stolar, meanwhile, signed up and started the campaign.
They say that Petro Poroshenko, having learned about the story with Lyulchak, became very angry. And I was looking for the last one for a long time. But there are many extreme ones. Because this case is not the only one.
Olga Lyulchak
Or an example of a different kind. Take the Zhytomyr 65th, along which “Udar” moves Igor Yushmanov. Yushmanov is a good man, but clearly not strong enough to compete with Vladimir Litvin, whom this district has long and firmly considered “his own.” And now let’s remember the good, warm relationship between Vladimir Mikhailovich and Pyotr Alekseevich… Do you get it? Not only was the district merged, but also according to the Udar quota (it was the 63rd that was originally assigned to Udar). A brilliant combination.
Who filled out the checkerboard?
Both the party list and the majority party member of the BPP were personally approved by Petro Poroshenko. This is the presidential political force and the president is personally responsible for the purity of its ranks. Personally.
In fact, the picture will not be complete if we do not mention that in fact the following were involved in the formation of the BPP majority:
Igor Kononenko. The closest friend, ally and business partner of Petro Poroshenko since time immemorial in the early 90s. Recently – Chairman of the Board of Directors of Ukrprominvest;
Oleg Svinarchuk. Also a person very close to Poroshenko, owner of the Bogdan corporation;
Boris Lozhkin. Head of the AP;
Sergey Berezenko. The young official comes from Chernovetsky’s nest. His relationship with Anatoly Matvienko allowed him to quickly move to the guarantor’s team. Now he is the head of the State Administration. According to the majority vote from the BPP, several names are highlighted that are associated with Berezenko. Obviously, in reality there will be more of them;
Gennady Zubko. First Deputy Head of the Administration. He is most active through proteges in his electorally native Zhytomyr region;
Igor Gryniv. Deputy head of the AP. Ex-“cordial” (like Zubko). In the May elections, Gryniv, in fact, was one of Pyotr Alekseevich’s main technologists. It remains so to this day;
Andrey Pavelko. Another ex-BYUT member who switched his focus to Poroshenko in time. In May 2014, he headed the Dnepropetrovsk headquarters of the future President. Now he oversees the work of the BPP in his native Dnepropetrovsk and neighboring Zaporozhye regions.
All these people presented their vision of the majority in one area or another (presented with varying degrees of intensity), but the final decision, I repeat, was made by President Poroshenko.
Photo: Max Levin
However, to be fair, Pyotr Alekseevich, of course, did not have the physical opportunity to personally check each candidate. This was actively used by some of his unscrupulous associates, who “merged” districts either for money or under political agreements.
Vinnytsia region
The electoral patrimony of President Poroshenko. All eight local districts are occupied by his people.
11 – Alexander Dombrovsky. Actual “permanent representative” of the President in Vinnytsia
12 – Alexey Poroshenko. Pyotr Alekseevich himself, as he explained, has nothing to do with the nomination of his son. It is noticeable, however, that Aleksey Petrovich is running in his father’s constituency – the same one in which Petr Alekseevich entered the Rada in 2012
13 – Nikolai Katerynchuk is walking through the same district as in 2012
14 – Ivan Melnichuk
15 – Ivan Sporish
16 – Anatoly Savkov. District of ex-communist Oksana Kaletnik. In 2012, Petro Poroshenko’s father immediately ran for office, but withdrew from the race for health reasons. Kaletnik has already been registered with the Central Election Commission and will try her luck again.
17 – Pavel Kalenich
18 – Ruslan Demchak
Each of the candidates could be characterized separately – describe their political history, business, etc., but now this does not matter, because they are all henchmen of the President. That says it all.
It is worth noting that the Front is fielding only one candidate in the Vinnytsia region. This is Vadim Vovk, district No. 15 (in 2012, ex-regional Nikolai Dzhiga won here, who is now running for parliament on Tigipko’s list).
Volyn region
19 – PASS. The district has been agreed upon with Svoboda. Igor Guz is running from the Front here
20 – Vladimir Bondar
21 – Sergey Kosharuk
22 – PASS. The district has been agreed upon with the Front. Igor Lapin is running from the Front here.
Dnepropetrovsk region
Igor Kolomoisky
Photo: Max Levin
Candidates for deputies from the Dnepropetrovsk region were determined during two meetings, which were attended by prominent regional representatives, as well as functionaries of the President’s team. Including: Igor Kolomoisky, Boris Filatov, Svyatoslav Oleynik, Sergei Berezenko, Andrey Pavelko. The agreements were as follows:
24 – Vadim Getman. Deputy of the Dnepropetrovsk City Council. The candidate is frankly weak. Very weak. Which, quite possibly, the CEC will not register. This is all because Pinchuk member Yakov Bezbakh will go to Rada in the same constituency (as in 2012). Let’s remember what a wonderful relationship Viktor Pinchuk has with this government, how many of Viktor Mikhailovich’s people followed Tigipko’s “opposition” list and draw conclusions. More precisely, one conclusion, but a substantive one – the district has been merged under Pinchuk.
25 – Maxim Kuryachy. Pavelko’s man. In 2010, he became a prominent figure in Batkivshchyna. In general, a serious cut is planned for the 25th district. Ex-regional Igor Tsyrkin and local Dnepropetrovsk freak Zagid Krasnov are also planning to go there (both have already registered).
26 – Andrey Denisenko. One hundred percent Kolomoisky’s man. He was appointed to the district precisely at the insistence of Igor Valerievich. Who is Mister Denisenko, you ask? Yarosh’s closest deputy. And this is a more than exhaustive description.
27 – Anastasia Staroskoltseva. Dnepropetrovsk journalist, an absolutely positive character, who – as sources in the Central Election Commission say – is unlikely to be registered. Something incomprehensible, they say, is with the documents. But Boris Filatov’s documents are ok. And he also goes through this district. Self-nominated. And there is practically no doubt about his victory.
28 – Ivan Kulichenko. Mayor of Dnepropetrovsk. A compromise candidate. For Kulichenko, being a deputy is an honorary pension.
29 – Vitaly Kupriy. One hundred percent Kolomoisky’s man. More precisely, Andrei Denisenko (district No. 26), who asked for him (Read more about him in the article by Vitaly Kupriy. Kolomoisky’s mongrel received an order to eliminate Poroshenko).
30 – Alexander Dubinin. One hundred percent Kolomoisky’s man. Head of the Board of Dneproazot.
31 – Vitaly Oliynyk. Pavelko’s protege. Not the strongest, although not the weakest candidate.
32 – Inna Ruban. Pavelko’s protege. A very weak candidate. The district will most likely have to concede.
33 – Konstantin Usov. Do you remember the film “Lukyanovka”? And many other brilliant investigations that were broadcast at that time on the opposition channel TVi? Their author is Kostya Usov. A young but talented journalist who exchanged journalism for social activities and politics. At the last parliamentary elections, he ran as a majoritarian candidate in Odessa. This time I decided to advance in my small homeland, in Krivoy Rog. Governor of the region, Mr. Kolomoisky was against it. To spite Usov, it was decided to place here the commander of the Krivbas battalion, Mr. Kolesnik, better known in narrow circles by the nickname “Tyson”. Well, you understand, right? The fight promises to be intense.
34 – Alexander Maistrenko. Quota of Petro Poroshenko.
35 – Sergey Paskhalov. “Udar” quota
36 – PASS. The BPP is not nominating anyone in this constituency. Sources say: there was simply no worthy candidate. Everything is banal. This is Pavlograd, the territory of DTEK Rinat Akhmetov. Adviser to the governor Tatyana Guba was supposed to be nominated here, but something didn’t work out with the documents.
37 – Alexey the Wise. Man Pavelko
38 – Gurtovoy Igor. “Udar” quota. Which is categorically opposed by Igor Kolomoisky’s side. Kolomoisky does not call Gurtov anything other than a “land swindler”. The elections will judge them.
39 – Dmitry Plekhanov. Pavelko’s man. “Eternal oppositionist” (since 2010). The chances are not too great. Especially considering that his opponent is self-nominated Dmitry Yarosh. Lobby of Igor Kolomoisky.
40 – Valentin Didych. Krynichanskaya Regional State Administration. The chances are not so great. Former district of Oleg Tsarev
Donetsk region
There are 20 districts in the Donetsk region – from 41st to 61st. In more than half of them, elections – for obvious reasons – will not be possible.
Photo: EPA/UPG
After talking with sources in the CEC, LB.ua learned the following.
Voting will definitely not take place in districts 41-44, 54-55, 57-60.
In 1945, they will take place; the center of the district here will be moved to Kurakhovo, controlled by the Ukrainian military. They did the same in the 52nd (the center of the district will be located in Dzerzhinsk) and in the 53rd (in Uglegorsk).
The fate of districts 51 (a suburb of Gorlovka), 56 and 61 has not yet been decided. And if they still try to come up with something with No. 51 and No. 56, then in 61 the probability of elections is extremely low. The front line runs through the territory of this particular district.
Elections will take place in districts 46 to 50 and 57 to 60.
Taking into account the above, key political forces did not submit candidates for all Donetsk constituencies. But the BPP decided to comply with the formalities by filling out all the checkboxes.
And now – attention. ALL candidates in the Donetsk region were submitted by a man named Artur Gerasimov. “Udar” with its quotas did not even try to break in.
Gerasimov himself is running for parliament as number 43 on the BPP list. We will talk about it in more detail in the next text, when we analyze the list of pro-presidential forces. Now let’s limit ourselves to a few strokes. For understanding.
Artur Gerasimov is an odious person. Friend and accomplice of an even more odious Lugansk character named Sergey Shakhov (Tanya Chornovol wrote about him a lot and in detail. If anyone is interested, google it). Last time, when running in my native Gorlovka, I acted very clumsily. His “agitators” were caught more than once handing out…50 hryvnia (!), and also leaflets with explanations of “how to vote correctly” (in the leaflets there was a check mark next to Gerasimov’s name), etc. True, Petro Poroshenko believes that Gerasimov “corrected
