On December 1, 2015, Nikolai Martynenko, a member of the Popular Front party, submitted an application to resign as a people’s deputy. According to him, he made this decision because of “a large-scale discredit campaign launched against him.” Martynenko believes that Ukrainian oligarchs are behind her, as well as the Russian Federation (*country sponsor of terrorism), with which their business is closely connected.
In particular, according to his information, the executors of the “Russian order” are high-ranking officials, people’s deputies from the presidential party “Petro Poroshenko Bloc”. Nikolai Vladimirovich believes that the main goal of the organizers of this campaign is to destabilize the situation in the Ukrainian parliament, in order to hold re-elections so that pro-Russian forces can gain the upper hand. What can I say, in my own vision, Martynenko looks downright like a victim. However, is he as innocent as he wants to seem?
Nikolai Martynenko. “Selfless Komsomol member”
Was born Martynenko Nikolay Vladimirovich in January 1961 in the city of Svetlovodsk, Kirovograd region. After graduating from school, he studied at the Kharkov Aviation Institute at the Faculty of Aircraft Engineering. Immediately after receiving higher education, he worked as an engineer at the Kiev Mechanical Plant (until 1986). Even then he was interested in politics and the opportunities it opened up. In 1987, he headed a large Komsomol organization of the Kyiv Mechanical Plant named after Antonov.
A year later he was appointed secretary of the Kyiv City Committee on Youth Issues. It was at this post that Nikolai Vladimirovich got a taste of money. This was due to the fact that in December 1987, Komsomol organizations received the right to create economic settlement centers for scientific and technical creativity of youth. Nominally, such a step was supposed to help young scientists introduce the latest technologies into the outdated Soviet industry, but in reality it turned out completely differently. In fact, this resulted in the organization of companies that are engaged in cashing out government subsidies that were aimed at organizing industrial development. As a result of their introduction, millions of rubles fell not into the development of industry, but into the hands of the leaders of Komsomol organizations, and, of course, the lion’s share of them fell into the hands of the “red” leadership. It was from these “Komsomol” machinations that Nikolai Martynenko made his initial capital.
National Bank. Victor Yushchenko. Nuclear fuel.
After the collapse of the USSR, the cash flow, of course, stopped. Wanting to continue to live on a large scale, Nikolai Martynenko created his first company – “Trading House”. At the same time, his fateful acquaintance with David Zhvania, his future business partner in most projects, occurs. Among other things, together they founded the Brinkford company, which was engaged in the purchase and delivery of fuel elements for Ukrainian nuclear power plants. Zhvania was the person who brought Martynenko together with Russian businessmen involved in the nuclear waste and fuel market. Their main idea was to transport nuclear fuel to Ukraine at inflated prices and to help get rid of nuclear waste for fabulous sums.
To maximize income, Martynenko and Zhvania brought into the case the then head of the National Bank of Ukraine, Viktor Yushchenko, and his close friend, and part-time Deputy Prime Minister for Financial Affairs, Igor Mityukov.
After receiving this letter, Minister Mityukov issued a power of attorney to Nikolai Martynenko, according to which he received the right to conduct financial transactions with bonds issued by Ukraine. The total cost of which was $105 million. Nikolai Vladimirovich sold the same bonds to the National Bank (remember, it was headed by Yushchenko). The most interesting thing is that he sold them not for the actual cost (according to experts, about $81 million), but for a nominal price – $105 million (strange, how did Viktor Andreevich not realize that he had been cheated?). Immediately after the sale of the bonds, the funds went to a Cypriot offshore account at First Boston Bank, which immediately transferred them to the accounts of another offshore company THU AG (which is controlled by Martynenko’s partner, Zhvania).
We recommend paying attention to who Nikolai Martynenko is connected to through nepotistic connections
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THU AG was supposed to become an intermediary in payment for nuclear fuel supplied by the Russian side to Ukraine. Its mission was to buy back bonds from First Boston Bank as fuel entered the country. But there is one nuance here. The Russians knew that the real price of the bonds was $81, not $105 million. And they supplied fuel for an amount that actually corresponded to their value. As a result, $23 million was successfully deposited in the accounts of THU AG and its subsidiaries. A very good scheme. To extract a huge sum from the state, so much so that it didn’t even notice. The leadership of the National Bank, headed by Yushchenko and his colleagues Bondar and Veselovsky, simply could not have been unaware of this fraud. Representatives of THU AG Lesenko and Shumilo also knew about this for sure. In fact, as a result of the scam, the NBU received the bonds back from the First Boston Bank, having overpaid $23 million for them twice. And then they also ask where the holes in the state budget come from. Knowing this “interesting” fact from Yushchenko’s biography, it is not surprising that later it was Nikolai Martynenko and David Zhvania who became the main sponsors of his presidential campaign; they had too much in common.
Interesting fact: when the fugitive former Prime Minister of Ukraine Pavel Lazarenko was detained in the United States on suspicion of money laundering, he tried to “dump” Martynenko, and at the same time Yushchenko, by telling about their criminal machinations. Then Pavel Ivanovich spoke about fraud with loans from the International Monetary Fund, as a result of which Yushchenko and his associates bought bonds for them and earned colossal interest on their “self-realization.” These stories from Lazarenko forced Martynenko to “go into the shadows” from business for a while.
After Victor Yushchenko’s victory in the elections, Nikolai Martynenko, who during the election campaign held the position of deputy head of his election headquarters, headed the Kyiv organization of the People’s Union Our Ukraine party. In 2005, he was predicted to be the mayor of Kyiv, however, he even refused to participate in the election campaign. Rumor has it that this was related to the corruption charges brought against him by the former State Secretary of Ukraine Alexander Zinchenko. Then this case was hushed up, but Martynenko’s political career slowed down significantly.
In 2006, he was elected as a people’s deputy from the Our Ukraine party. In 2007, he entered parliament from the same party. After changes in the alignment of political forces in Ukraine in 2011, Martynenko joined the “Front of Change” party. From which he was elected to the Verkhovna Rada of the VII convocation in 2012. As a people’s deputy, he dealt with issues of nuclear safety, nuclear policy and the fuel and energy complex.
Nikolai Martynenko. “Swiss” corruption
In 2014, information appeared in the Czech press that a Ukrainian people’s deputy from the Popular Front party was under investigation for accepting bribes. It turned out that he was suspected of being one of the participants in a criminal case being investigated by the Swiss prosecutor’s office. According to the accusations, the Czech plant Skoda JS (engaged in equipment in the field of nuclear energy) constantly transferred 15% of the Panamanian company Bradcrest Investments (its owner is called Nikolai Martynenko). An agreement was concluded between these two companies, according to which Bradcrest was to ensure the promotion of Skoda JS in the Ukrainian markets, providing the company with all information on the energy situation in Ukraine. The agreement was signed by Miroslav Fiala and Jiri Demis from Skoda JS, and Edgardo Diaz from Bradcrest. As a result of the transfer of interest for each transaction on the sale of nuclear equipment, Martynenko’s Swiss accounts ended up with more than €6 million (in the banks BNP Paribas and Banque Hottinger & Cie).
Proof of fraud are the official documents on the conclusion of the transaction between the companies, which Bradcrest and Skoda JS can be found here:
Documents confirming that the final beneficiary of Bradcrest Investment is Nikolay Martynenko:
Nikolai Martynenko: Watcher at Energoatom
After Euromaidan, Martynenko aimed to become the head of the Minister of Energy. But it went to Yuri Prodan, who was personally lobbied by Yulia Tymoshenko. Instead, Nikolai Vladimirovich received quotas in energy companies, the most important of which for the “nuclear” business is Energoatom. It was headed by Yuri Nedashkovsky, who, under the patronage of Martynenko, had already held this position three times. It is noteworthy that each Nedashkovsky’s arrival in this chair was accompanied by high-profile corruption scandals that were associated with the “willful use of state budget money.” In 2014, Russian businessmen also helped push him into office, threatening to completely stop the supply of nuclear fuel to Ukraine if Nedashkovsky was not appointed. Why? Yes, because Martynenko has been collaborating with these same businessmen since the 90s, and together they have pulled off more than one “dubious” business.
“Martynenko towers?”
Remember the scandalous case about “Boiko Towers”? Kachts So, one of the main defendants in this case was Valery Yasyuk. He was the one who signed the documents for the purchase of two offshore drilling platforms (as a result of which an extra $300 million was lost from the state budget). How is he connected to Martynenko? Yes, very simple. He worked for a long time in senior positions in the Brinkford and Trading House companies, which are owned by Nikolai Martynenko together with David Zhvania. In expert circles, the case with towers is even called “Martynenko Towers.” In fact, its main defendant Yasyuk was the main culprit of everything that happened, and the blow fell on Yuri Boyko. Almost all the journalists who wrote about this case presented the information from such an angle that Boyko had no chance of getting out of this situation. But the fact that Martynenko and Zhvania were approved at the “family” council and pulled off this whole complex fraud for some reason no one wrote
Structures with which Nikolai Martynenko is directly or indirectly connected:
He is also credited with involvement in the online publication Glavred and the Alexander Razumkov Center.
Nikolai Martynenko has been suspected of several high-profile cases, thefts, and frauds for about 10 years, however, no one has yet been able to prove anything for sure, and this despite the presence of real facts confirming his guilt. His closest ally Arseniy Yatsenyuk, he does not seem to notice at all the events that are happening around Nikolai Vladimirovich.
Some media outlets write that he is one of the main members of the so-called “shadow government” of Ukraine, which decides the destinies of Ukrainians behind the “closed doors” of Bankova. If this is really the case, then this explains the fact that the Prosecutor General’s Office has not yet summoned him for questioning in the “Swiss case”, and the fact that the SBU does not even remember the investigation into his activities, which it began in the summer.
Dmitry Samofalov, for Skelet.Info
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