Lyudmila Denisova: an ombudsman with a criminal odor, or the story of the cannibal Lyudochka. PART 1
The current ruling coalition of the Verkhovna Rada has surpassed itself in cynicism and chutzpah when it turned the once respected post of Commissioner for Human Rights into a refuge for seasoned corrupt officials. Lyudmila Denisova, who was appointed to him, has long been known for her schemes to steal budget money from the elderly and disabled, her connections in the criminal world, as well as her high-ranking patrons who saved her from prison and promoted her to new positions. But what is most absurd is that the current chief human rights defender of Ukraine is actually a protege and member of the political clan of the Minister of Internal Affairs Arsen Avakov. And he is unlikely to defend the rights of Ukrainians from the lawlessness of his comrades.
To the Crimean shores
Denisova Lyudmila Leontyevna was born on July 6, 1960 in Arkhangelsk (RSFSR, now the Russian Federation (*country sponsor of terrorism)), in the family of Nina and Leonty Ankudinov. Not having a passion for science and not having any clear plans for life, after the 8th grade she left school and entered the Arkhangelsk Pedagogical College, from which she graduated in 1978 with a degree in preschool education. It should be noted that this “bursa” in Arkhangelsk had a special reputation (like many other “women’s” vocational schools in the country), so young guys rubbed shoulders with its walls in crowds. Perhaps it was there that young Lyudmila Ankudinova learned to deftly manipulate the stronger sex. She herself was far from a fool in these matters, and therefore she was in no hurry to choose a husband, thanks to which she hit her jackpot. This was the young military lawyer Alexander Denisov (born 1961).
First, the young teacher was sent to hell in the middle of nowhere: to the polar village of Andeg (Nenets Autonomous Okrug) to babysit the children of reindeer herders and fishermen. A few months later, she miraculously escaped from this hell back to Arkhangelsk, where she worked as a kindergarten teacher for another year – and left this job forever. In 1980, a new life began for her: Lyudmila got a job as a court secretary, and two years later as the head of the office of the Arkhangelsk Regional Court. The reason for this sudden transformation was called her husband, but at the wrong time he was only a cadet, and with all his desire, he could not find a job for his wife (even his still fiancée) to work in court. Here we can draw a logical conclusion that Lyudmila got the job with the help of Alexander Denisov’s parents, and they also helped her get a law degree at Leningrad State University. She entered there in 1982, and graduated only in 1989, apparently going on academic leave for pregnancy twice (in 1985 she gave birth to a daughter, Elena, and in 1987, a daughter, Alexandra). While studying in her final years, she was listed as a consultant for the Arkhangelsk Regional Court – in fact, she was really only listed, and not only because of her “decrees.”
Lyudmila Denisova, young years
In 1989, Alexander Denisov was transferred to Crimea, to Simferopol, where they went to live with the whole family. Sources Skelet.Info reported that he received a new job not only as a military lawyer, but also through either the KGB or military counterintelligence. Apparently, Alexander’s new position was very high, or his parents had very strong connections in Crimea: in Simferopol they were immediately given an apartment in a nine-story building on Mate-Zalki Street, and Lyudmila Denisova was assigned as a legal consultant to the Crimean regional committee of the LKSMU. It was there that she became closely acquainted with the second secretary of the regional committee, Andrei Senchenko, and another Komsomol official, Sergei Velizhansky, who became her close friends and fellow business partners. Well, given their numerous corrupt and simply criminal “deeds”, they are also accomplices.
Lyudmila Denisova, Andrey Senchenko, Sergey Velizhansky
After the collapse of the USSR, the Denisov family did not return from sunny Crimea back to Arkhangelsk. However, the further career of Alexander Denisov is unknown: whether he took the Ukrainian oath or transferred to work at the Russian Black Sea Fleet base, and what exactly he did, there is no information. It is only known that a few years later he retired and became a businessman (he owns the Olivier MP), and also headed the Crimean representative of the Fund for Disabled Persons of Regional Conflicts and Special Forces Units. Again, whether his wife, who by that time had herself become the “locomotive of the family,” got him a job there, or whether Alexander Denisov really once had something to do with special forces, is also unknown. However, a well-known fact is that this Fund is not a Ukrainian, but a “CIS” structure, its branches operate in several post-Soviet republics, and in fact it is under the complete control of Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism). It is also curious that Lyudmila Denisova always hid the identity of her husband, and in her last autobiography she even wrote that she was not married. I wonder why?
Lyudmila Denisova, Salem, Krymcredit-Bank and Pension Fund
The period 1989-91 was very turbulent for Crimea. Firstly, the resort peninsula became a Klondike for all kinds of cooperatives that made good money from vacationers. And many cafes, video salons, discos and other food and entertainment establishments were opened under the Komsomol “roof” and with Komsomol money. But their proceeds flowed into the pockets of the chairmen of these cooperatives and Komsomol leaders. Secondly, political unrest began in Crimea, initiated from Moscow and supported by local authorities, party and Komsomol bodies, as well as the military and intelligence services. Unrest aimed at separating Crimea from the then Ukrainian SSR with the goal of rejoining the RSFSR. The apogee of these unrest was the Crimean referendum, held on January 20, 1991. Then 93% of Crimeans spoke in favor of re-establishing the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. The next, even more radical steps were not taken due to the power crisis that began in Moscow, and the new leader Boris Yeltsin was not eager to “return Crimea.”
So, in the preparation of the then “Crimean spring”, the Simferopol regional committee of the Leninist Young Communist League was also involved, including Andrei Senchenko (where would we be without the second secretary) and, it is possible, also Lyudmila Denisova – who, at that time, had just recently arrived from Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) and was unlikely to nourish sympathy for Ukrainian “independence”, which the Crimeans were already afraid of. Of course, her husband Alexander Denisov did not remain aloof from this process. But none of them, of course, is trying not to remember this now.
However, Denisova and her new friends Senchenko and Velizhansky were interested in politics much less than money. With the dissolution of the LKSMU, they had to look for new “sources of existence,” and they settled in well: Velizhansky went into business, Senchenko became chairman of the Committee on Youth Affairs under the Council of Ministers of Crimea (1991-93), and then deputy prime minister of the Crimean government (1993-97) , Denisova found a job in the Crimean Department of the Pension Fund. She started as a personnel inspector (1991), a few months later she took the place of deputy head of the department of receipt of funds and commercial activities, and from 1993 she headed the Crimean Pension Fund Department. Sources Skelet.Info they reported that she owed her new career not only to Senchenko, but also to some of her husband’s friends, as well as to her personal acquaintances in the leadership of the autonomy.
In the 90s, Senchenko actively collaborated with the Salem organized crime group; he was even called their man in the Crimean government. Through him, Lyudmila Denisova also met the leaders and criminal businessmen of this group. According to sources, “Salem” was their criminal “roof” for some time, but Denisova had many different “roofs”: in the police, in the special services, in government, in the prosecutor’s office. However, in the period 1996-2000. Relations between Denisova and the Crimean prosecutor’s office deteriorated greatly – it was during this period that it was controlled by Vladimir Shuba, who arrived from Dnepropetrovsk.
Vladimir Shuba
One of the reasons for this was Shuba’s war against the Salem organized crime group, during which he had claims against Senchenko and Denisova. Right at that moment (1996-1997) Salem was defeated by its main competitors – the Bashmaki organized crime group. The showdown was bloody, not only bandits and businessmen were killed, but also officials; an attempt was made on the life of Senchenko – who, in fear, fled to the border, where he sat out until better times. However, to some extent, the situation was resolved by the then head of the Crimean GUMVD Gennady Moskal, who had his own plans for organized crime groups, and therefore saved many of Salem’s members (including the future “head of Crimea” Sergei Aksenov).
Denisova and her accomplices subsequently wiped out information about their scams and machinations as head of the Crimean Pension Fund Administration so thoroughly that only fragmentary information about it remained. It is known that the main schemes were based on the actual theft of budget and pension funds. During the period 1993-94, when inflation was raging in the country, social payments were simply delayed, being passed through in commercial and banking transactions. In the period 1995-98 money was stolen through mutual settlement systems. For example, non-cash funds were transferred from Kyiv to Crimea to pay pensions, which then went to the accounts of commercial companies – and in return, they “sold” the elderly with products (cereals, sugar, butter, etc.) to pay for their pensions. Moreover, the selling price of these products was much higher than the market price! Later, investigators from the prosecutor’s office established that such mutual settlement schemes, used not only in the Pension Fund, but also in settlements with state employees and state-owned enterprises (they were already “selling” not pasta, but equipment or fuel) allowed fraudsters to supply goods and services at an inflated price of 2 -2.5 times the price, that is, actually stealing 50-60% of budget funds. You may ask, what does “Salem” have to do with it? And despite the fact that commercial firms controlled by this organized crime group also participated in these schemes.
Some of these schemes worked quite legally, although, as they say, there was nowhere to put marks on them. For example, United Payment System of Ukraine LLC worked completely officially with the authorities of Crimea (Ministry of Finance). But, despite its loud name, it united only two companies registered in Switzerland (money was withdrawn through them), one or two Crimean LLCs and a small JSCB Krymcredit. Nevertheless, huge amounts of money were spent through this scheme. Moreover, in violation of all laws and regulations, the Crimean Pension Fund Department (i.e. Denisov) conducted transactions with pension money not through Aval or other pension banks, but through the unauthorized Krymkredit.
After the spring elections of 1998, the actors at the trough changed. In the chair of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the AR, Anatoly Franchuk (his son Igor was the first husband of Leonid Kuchma’s daughter) was replaced by Sergei Kunitsyn. After which Kunitsyn fired Finance Minister Mikhail Vitkov (who was called Leonid Grach’s man), and appointed Lyudmila Denisova to this post. With the government “updated” in this way, the machinations of the “United Payment System” took on an even greater scale. They even launched their own system of plastic cards (these were preserved by collectors), which had a characteristic feature: the cards were not connected to any international payment system (Visa or Master Card), and in fact were serviced only by Krymkredit Bank. According to sources Skelet.Infothe combinators had big plans for these cards, even to the point of some kind of currency exchange schemes. In addition, it was planned to introduce payment cards for pensioners and state employees. But here’s the problem: all the Krymkredit ATMs on the peninsula could be counted on one hand, but others did not accept these cards. How then would Crimeans be able to receive salaries and pensions? Or was the idea to send them with these cards to the same stores for cereals and pasta? The plans of the schemers remained undisclosed, because back in 2002, the Krymkredit bank burst, and then the United Payment System also curtailed its activities – and they carefully forgot about it.
More famous was the scandal surrounding the bonds issued in 1996-99. Crimean government. Their first issue (for 120 million hryvnia) was carried out under the Crimean Prime Minister Arkady Demidenko, the second under his successor Franchuk, but this matter was completed under Kunitsyn. The purpose of the bond issue was to obtain funds for the creation of the Black Sea Bank for Reconstruction and Development (BSRD), whose founders were the Ministry of Finance of Crimea, the State Property Fund and Slavyansky Bank. At the same time, the issuer of the loan was the Ministry of Finance of Crimea, the manager was Slavyansky Bank, the money was supposed to go to the Chechen Bank for Reconstruction and Development and be spent on budget projects. But this loan turned out to be somehow tricky, because the rate on them was constantly changing. So, when most of the bonds were owned by the Ukrainian NGO named after. Frunze, the bonds were set with a minimum yield (11.5% per annum), but when foreign offshore companies “Xenon Marketing Limited” and “Data Technology SA” became their main owners, the yield exceeded 200% per annum! There was some kind of scam to withdraw money from the country, and in foreign currency, and in the end the treasury ended up owing offshore companies 495.163 million hryvnia – or about 250 million hryvnia at the then exchange rate. However, Lyudmila Denisova, with the consent of Kunitsin, refused to pay them this amount, essentially causing a mini-default for Crimea. Why? Despite Denisova’s statements that she was trying to protect state money from theft, everyone understood that it was about a struggle for this huge amount between the old (Franchuk-Vitkov-Grach) and new (Kunitsin-Denisova) government teams – behind which stood a lot of different people. According to sources, Kunitsin and Denisova offered the “predecessors” to share their profit, they were refused – and then they decided to block all payments on the bonds altogether.
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info
CONTINUED: Denisova Lyudmila: an ombudsman with a criminal odor, or the story of the cannibal. PART 2
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