Zhebrovsky-Zhebrivsky. Medicine, drugs, politics

Filya Zhebrovskaya + Pavel Zhebrivsky = Zhebrivskys?

We have already written more than once about powerful Ukrainian families, for example about the large Krukov family, or about the much smaller but more influential Levochkin family. Today we will talk about another family, the Zhebrivsky-Zhebrovsky.

Pavel Zhebrivsky

Why through a dash? Yes, because the younger brother, now the governor of Donetsk, and in general in life, positioning himself as a politician of a national persuasion, Pavel Ivanovich, loves exactly this, the Ukrainianized version of the surname, “Zhebrivsky”. And his older sister, Filya, the head of the pharmaceutical giant Farmak, prefers the Jewish version of the surname – “Zhebrovskaya”. Perhaps it’s better for business. But no matter what they call themselves, this family is a vivid illustration of the proverb “hand washes hand.”

In the sense that a politician brother helps his sister earn money, and a businesswoman sister uses money to help her brother expand his political influence.

They began their journey into the Ukrainian elite back in the early nineties. Before that, in the Soviet years, Pavel Ivanovich was a simple Soviet cop – an investigator, and Filya Ivanovna was an accountant at the Lomonosov plant, which would later become Farmak. In 1990-1991, the fate of both brother and sister changed dramatically. Filya Zhebrovskaya first became the financial director of her plant, and then, a few years later, its owner. This happened often in the nineties, old, “red” directors were sent to retirement or even further, to the cemetery. And their places were taken by more advanced financiers who understood capitalism. But such “palace coups” do not happen out of the blue. This coup was facilitated by Yuriy Spizhenko, the then Minister of Health of Ukraine. He is a fellow countryman of Fili Ivanovna.

There were rumors in Zhitomir about their romantic relationship, but these are just rumors. However, the fact is that after resigning from the post of minister, Spizhenko ran in the Zhytomyr constituencies and Farmak supported him with both money and administrative resources. And later, after the Orange Revolution, he, a member of the Kuchma NDP and Labor Ukraine, became Yushchenko’s confidant and a candidate from the “Cathedral”, whose political council included Pavel Ivanovich. In her interview, Zhebrovskaya often says that it was the team that asked her to head the dying plant. Translated from oligarchic to human, this usually means that the privatization of the enterprise took place for the vouchers of its employees. That is, the management privatized the enterprise, which should have belonged to all employees. And then he graciously allowed the workers to continue working on it.

Filya Zhebrovskaya

Pavel Ivanovich was also involved in business at that time. At first he owned several small private enterprises; no one knows what they did anymore. But several years passed, during which his sister “promoted” her plant, and he headed enterprises in one way or another connected with Farmak. These are JSC Pharmacia 2000, which is engaged in the wholesale and retail trade of medications, and the private enterprise Yan and Maryanovsky Glass Factory, which is engaged in the sale and production of glass containers for medicines. That is, in fact, it is in the orbit of its sister’s business. It’s not very clear whether it was she who encouraged him to go into politics or whether he wanted to, or perhaps it was the decision of the family council.

Pavel Zhebrivsky

Be that as it may, in 2002 Pavel Zhebrivsky decided to run for parliament. He entered the Rada through his native Zhytomyr majority district and immediately entered Our Ukraine. Then, in the early 2000s, Pavel Ivanovich made a decision that still affects his life. He became the first deputy chairman of the newly formed Solidarity party, and the then young Petro Poroshenko became the chairman of this party. Since then, Zhebrivsky fell into the orbit of Pyotr Alekseevich, where he remains to this day. By the way, he walked through the Zhitomir constituency like Zhebrovsky. He changed the letter “o” to “i” when he was already a member of the nationalist forces represented in the Verkhovna Rada.

In the Verkhovna Rada, Pavel Ivanovich received the position of deputy chairman of the Committee on Health, Motherhood and Childhood. That is, he became a person who has the opportunity to lobby his sister’s interests directly. In fact, he lobbied for them. All the years of his work in the above-mentioned committee in Ukraine, the legal sale of the narcotic drug “Tramadol” flourished, which turned those who use it literally into morons. And all these years, public organizations have in no way been able to achieve the prohibition of this drug. It was banned, or rather taken under control, only in 2008, when Zhebrivsky no longer worked on this committee. However, for some time, the police miraculously avoided pharmacies that sold Pharmaco Tramadol. And after some time, Farmak launched another narcotic drug, Tropicamide, eye drops, which drug addicts began using intravenously. However, Pavel Ivanovich then moved to the budget committee, which was more interesting from a financial point of view. Although even here I did not forget my sister’s interests. The state purchased insulin, cardiological and other drugs from Farmak. Moreover, other manufacturers, for example the same “Indar”, were simply removed from the market.

During the Orange Revolution, Pavel Zhebrivsky, in the wake of the “dioxin” scandal, joined Petro Poroshenko among the “any friends.” He was sent to the post of governor of his native Zhitomir region, but not for long. In the early elections of 2006, he returned to the Verkhovna Rada again. And he didn’t leave there until 2012, lobbying for the interests of his sister, as we wrote earlier. For example, in the crisis year of 2009, the Verkhovna Rada adopted a law limiting prices for pharmaceutical products. It must be said that Pavel Ivanovich fought against his acceptance as best he could. But this law was too populist, and the presidential elections were too close. In general, there was no chance of not passing this law. Then brother and sister Zhebrovsky agreed with Viktor Yushchenko and he vetoed this law. “Hope of the Nation”, which had lost all its ratings, didn’t care; he wasn’t going to go to the polls. So the jump in prices for medicines during the crisis is also their merit.

But his sister had a more turbulent life. In 2007, some unknown Russians tried to raid Farmak through Tomas Fiala’s Dragon Capital company, but they didn’t succeed. However, she sent her stupid lawyers to all the anti-raid companies, who caused laughter among the specialists with their questions and ideas. But, according to our information, she finally resolved the issue through the main department of the SBU, and a little “cleared her throat” of the so-called. “blue”.

Two years later, in 2009, there was an attempt on Filya Ivanovna’s life and she was shot twice in the back. According to some eyewitnesses, it was a staged event. According to law enforcement agencies, Viktor Zubritsky was behind this, as we have already written about. However, the court did not confirm this fact. In 2010, when Viktor Yanukovych came to power, she sold part of the shares to an anonymous Cypriot buyer. That is, most likely, fearing for possible problems with the new government, she withdrew her shares from the country. In 2011, she sued Darnitsa over the name of the drug Corvalol and lost the case. Meanwhile, the company’s profits are growing, production of the drug “Tropicamide” alone has grown from 200 thousand packages to 2 million per year. In the same 2011, according to Focus magazine, she became the richest woman in Ukraine.

Pavel Zhebrivsky, meanwhile, served until the end of his term in the Verkhovna Rada and decided to run again in his native Zhitomir. But he did not get into the Kiev Council in 2012, nor in 2014, nor in the early 2014 elections to the Verkhovna Rada. Either he was unlucky, or he didn’t have enough influence, or his hometown already knew him too well. They say that Zhebrivsky is known for “scamming” the employees of his public reception and election headquarters. But most likely he simply did not come to an agreement, first with the Party of Regions, and then with the united opposition. And his patron Poroshenko had not yet become president at that time. And then suddenly, unexpectedly for everyone, Pavel Ivanovich decided to become… an intelligence officer.

Be that as it may, in August 2014, Zhebrivsky was sent to the ATO zone as a simple senior sergeant as part of the Novograd-Volynsky 54th separate reconnaissance battalion. There is quite a lot of talk about this in the press. What he scouted there in Donbass is not very well known, maybe it’s a military secret. However, less than six months have passed since our “ordinary soldier” surfaced to the position of no less than the head of the anti-corruption department of the Prosecutor General’s Office. Before Pavel Ivanovich appeared there, such a department did not exist; it was invented specifically for him, simultaneously with loud statements about reducing the personnel of the supervisory body. Knowledgeable people say that Poroshenko appointed his man to this position for a reason. Allegedly, this was a springboard to the chair of the head of the National Anti-Corruption Bureau, where Pavel Zhebrivsky was supposed to sit after the promotion of several powerful corruption scandals at the very top. But then something went wrong.

Either he had to wait too long for the position of head of the NAB, and his appointment was under indecently close attention of the public, including the world. Either Pyotr Alekseevich has too short a bench. In general, Pavel Zhebrivsky was appointed to the Donetsk region as governor-general, that is, the head of the regional military-civil administration. Where he is still found today. Its main functions are the fight against smuggling and ensuring life in the front-line area. Little is heard about successes in the domain entrusted to him by the state. Much less than from neighboring Lugansk, where former volunteer Georgy Tuka holds a similar position. However, he is pursuing the policy of the president who put him there correctly and consistently.

Only recently, with the direct participation of Pavel Ivanovich, Peski and Shirokino were commissioned, because this is exactly what Pyotr Alekseevich promised in Minsk. Elections were canceled in some areas of the Donetsk region, because obviously in these areas they will not vote for the BPP, so it’s better not to vote at all. He announced the formation of a “new elite” of Donbass, obviously loyal to himself and the President. He also publicly stated that it would not be possible to completely stop the flow of smuggling (apparently, this is a good income for everyone). So, apparently, Pavel Zhebrivsky will govern the region for a long time. After all, after devastation and war will come restoration and rehabilitation of the region. And this business is profitable both for him and for his sister, who will be able to help the region with medicines. Not for free, of course.

Denis Ivanov, for Skelet.Info

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