Vladimir Lytvyn: does Ukraine need a professional Judas?

Why will a man who twice headed the Verkhovna Rada remain unclaimed and practically forgotten by his voters today? Because Vladimir Lytvyn became a symbol of Ukrainian political corruption even under Kuchma. He cheated, betrayed and sold so often that now they don’t want to use his services even against the backdrop of a growing crisis of power – especially since he always charged an exorbitant price for them! Nevertheless, Lytvyn is patiently waiting for the hour when Ukraine may need him again. But why?

Vladimir Litvin. Marriage of a “sex guy”

Litvin Vladimir Mikhailovich was born on April 28, 1956 in the village of Sloboda-Romanivska, Novograd-Volynsky district, Zhitomir region. His parents Mikhail Klimovich Litvin (born 1930) and Olga Andreevna Litvin (born 1929) were the most ordinary simple collective farmers who could not give anything other than love and care to their three sons: Vladimir, Nikolai ( born 1961) and Petru (born 1967). The brothers had no prospects on their native collective farm, so, like many of their peers, one after another they escaped from the village into the big world. The first to fly out of his native nest in 1973 was the eldest Vladimir, who after high school entered the history department of the Kyiv State Shevchenko University.

Father’s house of the Litvins

Interesting fact: while Vladimir Litvin’s peers were pulled out of the university after 1-2 years to fulfill their honorable duty as defenders of the socialist fatherland, he himself never served in the army, even after graduating from KSU – although he never mentioned having a “white ticket” ” But Litvin could not have it in principle, since “white ticket” officers were not awarded the rank of KGB officer of the USSR. How did he manage to do so? There is one explanation for this: Vladimir Litvin fell under the program of recruiting new personnel for the KGB, who in Soviet times were sought in higher educational institutions and Komsomol committees. The first stage of this program was the recruitment of “sexts”: unlike “informers,” they cooperated with the KGB voluntarily, and their work was not limited to informing on their comrades. As a rule, beginning “sexts” were given special tasks, upon completion of which their abilities were assessed and screening was carried out: those who were efficient and diligent were recommended for admission to the ranks of the authorities, the mediocre ones were left “sexts” for life, and the stupid or conscientious ones were demoted to ordinary “snitches.” ” Such a task could be the creation of one’s own network of informants, or “deep penetration” into some circle or get-together, even provocations and “set-ups” – for example, planting “samizdat” on someone.

Vladimir Lytvyn: does Ukraine need a professional Judas?

What exactly Vladimir Litvin’s task was, of course, remained an official secret, although the State Security Service had plenty of work to do at KSU.

Firstly, the university was one of the forges of Soviet leadership, ideological and diplomatic personnel – the purity of which had to be looked after. Secondly, despite the strict supervision of the KGB, the university was one of the centers of freethinking and “sedition”; it was here that a new wave of the national movement of Ukrainians arose in the late 80s. But the fact that this did not happen in the late 70s or early 80s was the merit of the modest “sext” Litvin. However, he himself, trying to explain his KGB past, in 2008 told a fable that during his student years he only worked part-time… as a watchman in a kindergarten for KGB officers. Funny fairy tale!

Fairy tales are fairy tales, but judging by the fact that Vladimir Litvin was not drafted into the Soviet army at the age of 18-19, his active cooperation with the State Security began at the same time. And he was diligent enough to be excused from military service in the Border Troops or as a signalman, which could well have suited the KGB for much-needed personnel. And yet, Litvin stayed in the sexts for more than 10 years, receiving the rank of lieutenant of the State Security only in 1986 – after his successful marriage and joining the circle of the Communist Party elite of the Ukrainian SSR. Was it possible that as a “sext” he turned out to be mediocre? Perhaps so, but there is another opinion: that Litvin’s marriage was his main task.

According to his neighbor in the student dormitory Vladimir Bondarenko (people’s deputy, Klitschko’s “preceder” as head of the Kyiv City State Administration), Lytvyn met his future wife while still in his senior year. According to another source, this happened a little later, when Litvin, who graduated from the university in 1978 (with honors), remained there to work as a senior methodologist in the educational department, and then as an assistant to the rector. At the same time, this job gave him the opportunity to keep a room in the dormitory – and there, at the birthday party of one of the graduate students, he met Tatyana Panikarskaya, a student at the Institute of Light Industry. She was the daughter of the first secretary of the Pechersk district committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Konstantin Panikarsky, who was promoted to the post of first secretary of the Leninsky district committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine and became a member of the Central Committee.

There were rumors that the KGB allegedly decided to assign its own man to Panikarsky and gave Litvin the task of hitting on Tatyana. Other sources claimed that Litvin clung to Tatyana without any assignment, because he saw in her his chance to get out into the world. Considering that acquaintances from his youth characterized Vladimir Litvin as a pathologically greedy person, grasping at the slightest opportunity to “earn extra money,” “scrape” or get ahead, this would not be surprising.

Konstantin Panikarsky with his daughter Tatyana Litvin

The groom looked ridiculous: he spent all his money on a men’s mink coat (the chic fashion of the time, cooler than a sheepskin coat) and went on dates in it, while being afraid to leave an expensive item in the wardrobe of a cinema or cafe. And according to Litvin himself, he asked Panikarsky for his daughter’s hand in marriage… in writing. And only after that he proposed to her. It’s hard to say why the Panikarskys liked the “sext” from the collective farm in a mink coat, but they accepted him into their family. So Vladimir Litvin became a Primak, receiving a beautiful wife, an apartment in Kyiv and the start of his career.

Already in 1980, 24-year-old Vladimir Litvin became a senior teacher at the history department of KSU. In the next six years, his daughter Elena is born (1982), he defends his candidate’s dissertation (1984) on the topic “The activities of the Communist Party of Ukraine to improve the training of teachers of social disciplines,” and arranges for his brother Nikolai to study at the Donetsk Higher Military-Political School of Engineering Troops – at the end of which he made a brilliant career as a political officer (company, battalion, regiment, brigade). And in 1986, Vladimir Litvin, with the help of his father-in-law and curators from the State Security Service, jumped into the chair of the head of the department at the Ministry of Higher and Special Education of the Ukrainian SSR. At the same time, Litvin was promoted from ordinary “seksot” to senior lieutenant of the KGB – thus occupying a high position already in uniform. However, then something happened that neither Litvin himself nor his acquaintances ever talked about: his career in the KGB ended. According to one version, Litvin sensed the wind of change with his nose and decided to prudently jump – which he would subsequently do more than once. And in 1989, immediately after the birth of his son Ivan, Vladimir Litvin went to work at the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine: first as a simple lecturer, and then as a consultant and assistant secretary of the Central Committee. New prospects opened up before him, but they were crossed out by the events of 1991.

Watchman and brothers

It was a real fall: while most of the former Soviet “apparatchiks” were actively gaining positions in government and business, Vladimir Litvin was only able to return to his native walls of KSU as a simple teacher – where salaries were melting away due to the onset of inflation. According to Lytvyn’s official biography, at that time he was working as a night watchman at the agricultural company “Ukraine”, where he was assigned by an old acquaintance Adam Martynyuk (former first secretary of the Lvov city committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine), who also worked there as security chief. However, it is difficult to believe Litvin’s stories about his work as a simple watchman, but nothing else is known about his activities in the early 90s. Why neither his father-in-law nor his personal connections helped Litvin, one can only guess: for some reason, no one from the Kyiv elite wanted to get involved with him – perhaps knowing about his past work in the KGB.

Everything changed in 1993, when three important events occurred in the life of Vladimir Litvin. Firstly, he received the rank of major – now SBU, and already a reserve. Why the night watchman was promoted from senior KGB officer straight to major of the SBU, while being sent to the reserve, remains unknown. However, there is information that in the early 90s, Vladimir Lytvyn collaborated with SBU General Yuri Gavrilov, who was a very trusted person of the then head of the SBU, Yevgeny Marchuk. At the same time, what is no less interesting, in 1965-77. Marchuk worked as an operative in the Fifth Department of the KGB – engaged in ideological work and identifying dissidents, that is, he could well have had contacts with the aspiring “sexist” Volodya Lytvyn.

Secondly, his brother Nikolai Litvin, who had just graduated from the Higher Military-Political Academy in Moscow, suddenly wanted to return to Ukraine and serve his homeland, abandoning his career in the Russian army. Here it is worth especially emphasizing that the Soviet and post-Soviet political officer has always been a “sext” of the State Security, and sometimes performed the duties of a special officer. Therefore, although Nikolai Litvin’s connection with the KGB, and then with the FSK (later the FSB) was never mentioned, it existed by default. And at the same time, the third brother, Petro Lytvyn, who graduated from a tank school in 1990, was transferred from the Far East to the Carpathian District.

Well, thirdly, there was a historical acquaintance between Vladimir Litvin and Leonid Kuchma, which again changed the life of our hero. And this, too, could not have happened without the participation of Litvin’s “curators” from the KGB-SBU: it was General Gavrilov who brought him close to Alexander Razumkov (although he also studied at KSU in 1977-82, but at the Faculty of International Relations, with Litvin they were strangers). And already Razumkov, in 1982-90. who worked in the Dnepropetrovsk regional committee of the LKSMU and knew all the “Dnepropetrovsk people” well, introduced him to Kuchma as an intelligent and reliable person. One must assume that Lytvyn tried to please Kuchma no less than he did to his future wife Tatyana.

Vladimir Litvin and Leonid Kuchma

However, Razumkov was wrong about the “reliability” of Litvin, who often served 2-3 “masters” at the same time – which was usual for the former “sext”. With the election of Leonid Kuchma as president in 1994, Razumkov became his first assistant, and brought with him to the Administration Yuri Gavrilov – to the post of assistant to the president on national security issues, and Vladimir Litvin – making him assistant to the president on internal political issues. It seemed to Razumkov and Gavrilov that they could rely on the man whom he had raised to power and who should be grateful to him. But less than a year had passed before Litvin abandoned them.

First, an internal conflict broke out in the Administration over the creation of the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI). His lobbyists Razumkov and Gavrilov encountered resistance from First Deputy SBU Leonid Derkach and Head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Yuri Kravchenko. The head of the Administration, Dmitry Tabachnik, sided with the latter, which gave rise to a serious conflict between him and Razumkov. And suddenly Vladimir Litvin went over to Tabachnik’s side. The betrayal was open: Litvin left his job under Razumkov and received the position of Tabachnik’s deputy. And when Razumkov was fired from the Administration in December 1995, Litvin soon took his place.

Dmitry Tabachnik

This story had a continuation: General Gavrilov, who left the Administration in the fall of 1995, threatened to take revenge on the “Judas” Litvin and leak information about his “sexism,” in particular about who he ratted out and framed for the KGB while still a student at KSU. At the same time, Gavrilov relied on Marchuk, who at that time served as Prime Minister of Ukraine. The agitated Litvin began to seek protection from his boss – and Tabachnik achieved Gavrilov’s silence, in particular by threatening to respond to the case about the machinations of Gavrilov and Marchuk with the trade in petroleum products. However, a year later Tabachnik himself was forced to resign, after which the Administration continued for several years with a leapfrog of personnel changes – and only Vladimir Litvin remained in it for a long time. Since 1996, he worked as the first assistant to the president, and, unlike his predecessor Razumkov, was completely cold towards state affairs, focusing on creating a large retinue of the president: protocol services, press secretaries, assistants, organizing events, planning the schedule, etc. p. Having become the head of the Administration in 1999, he only continued and expanded this policy. They said that it was largely thanks to Lytvyn that Kuchma gave up on all reforms (except privatization) and turned into a passive courtier.

Leonid Kuchma and Vladimir Litvin

At the same time, Litvin did not forget about himself or his relatives. In 1997, Vladimir Litvin, together with Igor Bakai (at that time – a freelance adviser to the president and people’s deputy), carried out a scam by appropriating and transferring 88 inventive patents to New Microtechnologies LLC, which they then sold to state companies (including Naftogaz). for 188 million hryvnia (about 100 million dollars). Information about this in 2002 was published by People’s Deputy Grigory Omelchenko, who at the same time provided documents about lobbying by Litvin and the head of the State Tax Administration Mykola Azarov for the interests of the TNK-Ukraine company, and the transfer of foreign currency funds to TNK-Ukraine Invest CJSC through the offshore structure Asmis -company S.A.” However, then the Prosecutor General’s Office declared Omelchenko’s evidence falsified.

The scandal surrounding Vladimir Lytvyn’s receipt of the status of “combatant” was very revealing, demonstrating his cynical dishonesty and petty greed. On January 9-10, 2001, Lytvyn, as part of the Ukrainian delegation, visited Yugoslavia at the base of the Ukrainian contingent of peacekeeping forces. The inspection was typical: they arrived, performed in front of the formation, walked at the banquet, and went home in the morning. But then many members of the delegation began to straighten out their status as “combatants”: they say, the law allows it (they had been in the conflict zone). Vladimir Litvin also wanted such a “crust” for himself, and his motives were striking in their selfishness: he simply wanted to take advantage of the benefits attached to this status!

But Litvin’s greed was not limited to benefits. In 1996, he achieved early assignment to the rank of lieutenant colonel of the SBU reserve, and in 1999, colonel. Why did he need these, in principle, unnecessary titles? According to people close to Lytvyn, he wanted to get an early and increased pension in this way!

With the advent of Litvin, his brothers’ ranks rose sharply to power. Mykola Lytvyn, having abandoned the unpromising path of a political officer, in 1996 became deputy and then chief of staff of the Internal Troops of Ukraine – contributing to their transformation into court troops protecting the government from popular riots. And since 2001, Mykola Lytvyn headed the Border Troops of Ukraine (since 2003, the Border Service of Ukraine), which was the beginning of their decomposition and transformation into the most corrupt civil service. The youngest of the brothers, Pyotr Litvin, rose from battalion commander to commander of a mechanized brigade in 1996-2003.

Vladimir Litvin. Voice on tape

The biggest scandal in the life of Vladimir Litvin was the “cassette” scandal, in which he appeared as one of those who ordered the murder of Georgy Gongadze: at least one of the voices on the “Melnichenko tapes” allegedly belonged to him. They said that Litvin’s first reaction to the publication of the films was shock and fear, however, even after that his awkward defense indicated serious nervous stress. Nobody has ever seen Vladimir Litvin like this. According to Vladimir Tsvil (assistant of Alexander Moroz), Litvin literally panicked

Many perceived this as indirect evidence of Lytvyn’s involvement in the disappearance of Gongadze, but the very essence of the scandal raised was the strangulation of freedom of speech in Ukraine. Meanwhile, there was another version of this tragedy, in which Litvin was assigned a much larger role.

The fact is that since 1995, Interfax journalist Alena Pritula worked in the Presidential Administration, covering his activities in the media – and since 1997, her work was completely supervised by Vladimir Litvin. And so, as many sources reported, some “cupid” happened between them, the result of which was that Prytula received many regalia (including the title of Honored Journalist), as well as an unspoken special status in Ukrainian journalism, which was then still very timid and under the pressure of censorship , and the omnipotence of officials. However, Pritula herself, according to data Skelet.Infoin the “cupids” there was also a young journalist Gergiy Gongadze – the third member of this classic triangle. But in 2000, she quit her job in the Administration and decided to work together with Gongadze on the Ukrainian Pravda project, for which they visited the United States and complained about the harassment of freedom of speech in Ukraine – apparently asking for grants and political “protection.” This allegedly caused Lytvyn to have a heightened sense of jealousy and a desire for revenge: and then he, through the people surrounding Kuchma, introduced Gongadze to him as a dangerous “talker” who needed to “shorten his tongue” along with his head. At the same time, Pritula herself allegedly learned about the murder of Gongadze (from Litvin) already in the very first hours.

Another interesting fact: although Ukrayinska Pravda uses the slogan “Founded by Georgy Gongadze in 2000,” this is actually just a marketing ploy.

The fact is that “UP” was founded (registered) twice: first in 2000, while the composition of its founders at that time remained unknown, and re-registered in 2001, as a result of which its only founder is Alena Pritula (by the way , the main “sponsor” of the apartment of his former employee, and now people’s deputy-truth teller Sergei Leshchenko.

In a word, although the “amorous” version logically explained why only Gergiy Gongazde, who played a secondary role (after Pritula) in the “Ukrainian Truth” project, was killed and kidnapped, for obvious reasons it was not considered. After all, this was unprofitable even for the initiators of the “cassette scandal” themselves, who relied specifically on the political version of the murder of Gongadze. However, Vladimir Litvin remained the main defendant in both versions of the “conspiracy.”

Litvins are not drowning!

But Vladimir Litvin worried in vain: of all the defendants in the “cassette scandal,” he suffered the least. Leonid Kuchma lost his political rating, ex-minister Kravchenko strangely shot himself, General Pukach was on the run for a long time – and then, arrested, testified against Lytvyn. But he continued to stay afloat: all the accusations just whistled at his temples, and Litvin’s rating slowly grew, as if the voters were losing their memory. In 2002, he headed the electoral list of the pro-presidential bloc “For a United Ukraine,” which received 11.77% of the votes. Even taking into account administrative resources, this was a lot for a politician who had just been accused of organizing the murder of a famous journalist, which made headlines throughout the world. Nevertheless, Lytvyn first led the faction, then the pro-presidential majority, and then was elected chairman of the Verkhovna Rada – and safely sat out the political storms of 2004-2005 in this chair. The old proven principle “a gentle calf sucks two mothers” helped him in this.

Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada Vladimir Litvin

Lytvyn began preparing for a change of “owner” in the country in the spring of 2004, when he “rolled” the adoption of the political reform initiated by his successor as head of the presidential administration Viktor Medvedchuk. Subsequently, Nestor Shufrych argued that the vote for political reform on April 5, 2004 was failed, to the great joy of the opposition, by 6 deputies who were “Lytvyn’s people.” Whether he later had to explain things to Leonid Kuchma, or whether it was a concerted performance, remains unknown – but Litvin remained the speaker of the pro-presidential majority. And with the beginning of Maidan 2004, when this majority began to fall apart, Lytvyn became a kind of political beacon and coordinator of deputies who decided to occupy a neutral police force between the losing Yanukovych and the winning Yushchenko.

Litvin’s role in Yushchenko’s victory was one of the most important: in fact, he blocked all the “anti-Maidan” initiatives of the “white-blue” majority and contributed to its collapse. After which he acted as a negotiator between the “orange” and those deputies of the former majority who did not want to quarrel with the new political leader. Lytvyn’s most decisive move was organizing a successful “package” vote in December 2004: Viktor Yushchenko received the Rada’s consent to hold a “third round” of elections in exchange for political reform. But Vladimir Lytvyn received the most “goodies”: a medal of the Hero of Ukraine, guarantees that he will remain in the speaker’s chair until the end of the convocation, and his brother Nikolai will continue to head the Border Service. The youngest of the brothers also received a small present: in February 2005, Pyotr Litvin was promoted to deputy corps commander, and soon received his first general rank.

It is worth noting that, intoxicated by the omnipotence of his high-ranking brothers, Pyotr Litvin often behaved like an over-aged major. So, on October 27, 2007, on a highway in the Nikolaev region, his Hyundai car was stopped by traffic police officers for exceeding the speed limit by one and a half times. General Litvin, who got out of the car, yelled obscenities at the inspectors, ordered his driver to write down the numbers of their badges – and an hour and a half later, both “traffic cops” were fired on the personal instructions of the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in the Nikolaev region, Major General Nikolai Pikhtin.

The 2006 parliamentary elections were unsuccessful for Lytvyn. Back in 2004, he “bought” himself the Agrarian Party of Ukraine, for the 2006 elections he renamed it the People’s Party and included it in the “WE” bloc, in which seats were sold to all “strong business executives” who wanted it. Huge amounts of money were spent on advertising, Vladimir Lytvyn visited all television talk shows almost every day, becoming the first star of Ukrainian TV. But the efforts and expenses were in vain: the bloc gained only 2.77% of the votes. This was explained primarily by the fact that Lytvyn was pretty tired of Ukrainians, many of whom had not forgotten either his many years of closeness to Kuchma or Yanukovych’s betrayal. Therefore, Lytvyn spent the next year and a half as head of the department of modern history of Ukraine at KSU (now the National University), in particular, correcting history according to Yushchenko’s wishes, and regularly appearing on “Freedom of Speech” in the role of a peacemaker, edifyingly asserting that without him in power the crisis began. Under the slogan “Ukraine needs Lytvyn,” his Lytvyn Bloc entered the Rada in the early elections of 2007, after which Lytvyn generously covered all advertising expenses for Russian (Alexander Yakovlevich Korotenko) and American political strategists.

Having the smallest faction (20 seats), Lytvyn, it would seem, could not count on large dividends. However, his ambitions were already overflowing: he immediately declared that he wanted to regain the position of speaker, making this the main condition for joining the parliamentary majority. Vladimir Lytvyn had to wait a whole year for this proposal, and during this time Viktor Yushchenko appointed him acting. rector of the National University – despite the fact that this was a clear violation of the law prohibiting people’s deputies from working “part-time”.

As a result of the parliamentary crisis of 2008, the 20 mandates of the Lytvyn Bloc became a “golden share”: without them, the majority (NUNS + BYuT) constantly did not have enough votes to make decisions. And Lytvyn again sat in the chair of the Chairman of the Rada, where he again began to pursue a policy of maneuvering between the current government and the future government. Until 2010, he blocked decisions that attacked the interests of the Party of Regions, and was not mistaken in his calculations. Lytvyn transferred his “golden share” to the new pro-presidential majority in exchange for retaining his seat – responding to accusations of corruption by “strengthening political stability in the country.” But he soon began to flirt with the United Opposition. In particular, in 2012, Lytvyn tried in every possible way to disrupt the vote on the law on languages, and when he was finally accepted with the help of Deputy Speaker Adam Martynyuk, he even resigned (in earnest or in disguise), seeing that this issue was fundamentally important for the opposition.

This maneuvering greatly damaged Lytvyn’s already low rating. And also, according to Skelet.Infohe was punished by the “Donetsk people”: in the 2012 elections, his People’s Party no longer had a chance, and he was elected to parliament in the 65th majoritarian district – in his homeland in the Zhytomyr region. He did the same in 2014, after which he joined the “Will of the People” deputy group, consisting of such “politicians without principle” as Ivan Fursin, Mikhail Poplavsky, Alexander Onishchenko, Vasily Petyovka. This is a typical political bench waiting for the chance to once again become a “golden share” and sell their votes dearly to the new parliamentary majority. However, now it was no longer controlled by Litvin, who had lost his former influence. Including because his brother Nikolai lost his “trump card” position.

The events of 2014 demonstrated that the Border Service was deeply affected not only by corruption, but also by high treason. The times when border troops had to and could be the first to meet the aggressor and delay his attack are in the past: Mykola Litvin’s border service for more than 13 years learned only to take bribes and “protect” smuggling. And it was she who, in the spring of 2014, first allowed the appearance of “little green men” in Crimea, and then allowed Russian “volunteers” Girkin and Kozitsin to enter the Donbass. The final point was brought about by the bloody battles in August-September: the battalion commanders who survived Saur-Mogila and Ilovaisk accused Nikolai Litvin of exposing the border, and the commander of “sector D” Pyotr Litvin of panicked flight from the battlefield.

After this, in October 2014, President Poroshenko fired Mykola Lytvyn from the post of head of the Border Service. Pyotr Litvin also lost his position, but not for long: in the summer of 2016, he received a position in the Directorate of the Ground Forces, essentially receiving a promotion.

The brilliance and plagiarism of low-income recipient Vladimir Litvin

Sources Skelet.Info claim that the Litvins could simply sell themselves to Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) in exchange for guarantees of the inviolability of their real estate in Crimea. Like many other Ukrainian politicians, the Litvins on the annexed peninsula were left with not just some houses overlooking the sea, but entire complexes. For example, Oreanda Plaza, built in a picturesque place near Yalta. Back in 2003, in its place there was kindergarten No. 18, which was leased by Renaissance-Yug LLC, after which it was privatized, and the occupied land plot (1.3 hectares) was issued for a long-term (49 years) lease. The kindergarten was closed and demolished, and three multi-storey buildings of the Oreanda Plaza Hotel were built there with swimming pools and a helipad. According to available information, the owners of Oreanda-Plaza are shareholders Olga Kovernik from Dnepropetrovsk, Crimean politician Sergei Karnaukh, Oleg Kunchenko from Yalta, and Tatyana Konstantinovna Litvin.

The ex-speaker and his wife have a lot of real estate: an apartment on Institutskaya (260 square meters), a residential building in Koncha-Zaspa (550 sq.m.), a house in Pechersk (about 500 sq.m.), “dachas” in the villages of Ukrainka and Ivankovichi (Kiev region), and perhaps this list is incomplete. However, Lytvyn prefers to live in a state-owned house (600 sq. m.), issued to him for untimely use at the end of 2004 – along with the title of Hero of Ukraine. What’s interesting: they didn’t try to take this legally state-owned “dacha” away from Lytvyn either under Yushchenko, or under Yanukovych, or after Euromaidan. Apparently, it is the subject of some kind of eternal agreement. At the same time, Vladimir Lytvyn, being a four-time beneficiary (SBU pensioner, ex-speaker, Hero of Ukraine and combatant), has a discount (at least 50%) on utility bills.

“Khatynka” by Vladimir Litvin

The Litvins rent out most of their “dachas,” and this brought them about 670 thousand hryvnia in rent last year. Among their tenants there are interesting people: for example, Yuriy Dagaev, chairman of the Zhytomyr public movement “Hromadska Varta – Lustratsiya Vlady”, created in February 2014. Perhaps that’s why no one ever even mentioned Litvin’s lustration?

By the way, Vladimir Litvin Maidanov was never afraid – neither the first, nor even the second. Moreover, on January 25, 2014, at the height of the street battles in Kyiv, Lytvyn arranged the wedding of his son Ivan. Coincidence or not, his chosen one was Tatyana Terekhova, the daughter of Andrei Derkach and the granddaughter of Leonid Derkach, an old acquaintance of Litvin’s since the 90s. The wedding took place in the capital’s Intercontinental (Bolshaya Zhitomirskaya, 2a), Russian TV presenter Andrei Malakhov was invited as toastmaster, and the guests were entertained by Philip Kirkorov and Verka Serduchka. Well, so that the revolution would not interfere with the fun, the Intercontinental was guarded throughout the evening by an explosives company and a Berkut detachment.

Where does a pensioner on benefits come from with such money? After all, according to the declaration for 2015, Vladimir Lytvyn’s family is far from being as rich by the standards of Ukrainian politicians:

Vladimir Lytvyn: does Ukraine need a professional Judas?

But Litvin’s business has been a closed topic since the 90s. Only his daughter Elena advertises her shopping center for wealthy women, “House of Luxury Villa Gross,” trying to create an image for herself as a trendsetter in the capital’s fashion. But, as they say, this “mega-boutique” is unprofitable and exists only thanks to the financial support of dad and uncle Kolya.

However, Vladimir Litvin annually degrades his income from “teaching activities” from the sale of his own books – of which he has already sculpted several dozen. The secret of such graphomania was revealed back in 2002, when Vladimir Litvin was convicted of banal plagiarism. In particular, his work “Civil Society: Myths and Reality” turned out to be simply a translation of an article by the American Carnegie Endowment scientist Thomas Carothers. And the three-volume “History of Ukraine”, published by Lytvyn in 2003-2005, turned out to be a digest of excerpts from various history textbooks – not even rewritten, but scanned by the FineReader program. Moreover, the one who scanned these texts forgot to correct a good half of the spelling errors in titles and names made by FineReader – that is, the texts were also checked by the program, and this was done by a person very far from history and geography. I wonder if it was a hired illiterate “literary Negro” or Academician Litvin himself?

Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info

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