Pavel Rozenko. History of the Minister of Subsidies and Pensions

Pavel Rozenko, as Minister of Social Policy, was remembered for three things: under him, a third of the country was unable to pay for utilities and was mired in the swamp of proposed subsidies; he infringed on the social security rights of displaced persons and pensioners, and also made money on prosthetics for ATO soldiers.

Rosenko sat in the chair of the Minister of Social Policy of Ukraine in 2014 during the premiership of the kamikaze reformer Arseniy Yatsenyuk; in 2016, after the resignation of the Cabinet of Ministers, he stayed afloat and became Deputy Prime Minister for Social Issues in the government of Vladimir Groysman. The social sphere is one of the most problematic and corrupt in Ukrainian politics. However, Rozenko initially did not intend to eradicate “evil”, but successfully took advantage of the situation. About how he came to power and what the minister is hiding from the Maidan.

Pavel Rozenko. Good life as a student!

Rosenko Pavel Valerievich born in 1970 in Kyiv into an ordinary Soviet family. His mother, Valentina Vasilievna, headed the department of the State Television and Radio Company of Ukraine. Grandfather – Rozenko Pyotr Akimovich, by the way, a native of Gorlovka, worked as Chairman of the State Planning Committee of the Ukrainian SSR, Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Ukrainian SSR. The grandson of a high-ranking official in those years, of course, went to the most “fashionable” Kyiv school – secondary 135.

In 1987, he entered the KPI at the Faculty of Electroacoustics. Now it is a major metropolitan university, but under the Soviet Union it was a “gathering” for C-grade students and lazy people whose parents wanted to find a place somewhere. Despite this, Rozenko became active in social and political activities at the institute. He founded the Ukrainian Student Union (USU), the country’s first independent student organization. Soon he was offered to head the Kyiv city organization of the USS. For a student, this is a high position that opens many doors, including political ones.

In 1989, Rozenko joined the ranks of the People’s Movement of Ukraine, and later the Young Movement.

In the fall of 1990, Pavel Valerievich, together with other students, went to the square to participate in the “Revolution on Granite”. This student hunger strike became one of the most widespread protests in the territory of the former Soviet Union. It is considered the basis for the declaration of independence of Ukraine in 1991. We can say that an enterprising student was involved in the emergence of an independent state.

Having received a diploma from Polytechnic in 1993, Rozenko continues his postgraduate studies at the Institute of International Relations of the KNU. T.G. Shevchenko and at the same time gets a job at the National Television Company of Ukraine, where he works for a year as an engineer at the main technical center.

Everyday life in the civil service

Since 1994, Pavel Rozenko has been in public service – since he was 24 years old. By the way, he has a rather long track record. Based on this, we conclude that Pavel Valerievich was able to work with many officials.

Until 1996, Rozenko was a consultant consultant for the Pechersk District Council of People’s Deputies of Kyiv. After that, he worked for 4 years in the Secretariat of the Verkhovna Rada as an assistant-consultant to a people’s deputy of Ukraine. In parallel with this position, in the 1998 parliamentary elections he ran for the People’s Movement of Ukraine (No. 53 on the electoral list), but ultimately did not get into the Verkhovna Rada. In 2000, he became an adviser to the Minister of Ecology Ivan Zaits in the government of Viktor Yushchenko, and a year later he became the head of the department for supporting the work of the Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources of Ukraine. After the resignation of Zayets in 2002, Pavel Valerievich returned to the Verkhovna Rada to the position of assistant-consultant to the People’s Deputy of Ukraine.

In 2005, Rozenko was appointed first deputy minister of labor and social policy of Ukraine, Vyacheslav Kirilenko, in the Cabinet of Ministers of Yulia Tymoshenko. By the way, Pavel Valerievich will work with Kirilenko in Yatsenyuk’s government. A year later, Kirilenko leaves his post, and Rozenko changes jobs and becomes deputy head of the Main Service for Social and Economic Development, head of the social policy department of the Secretariat of President Viktor Yushchenko. Less than 3 years have passed since the social sphere again called Pavel Valerievich to Tymoshenko’s second Cabinet of Ministers. He returns to the chair of Deputy Minister of Social Policy, but now under the leadership of Lyudmila Denisova. At this time, Rozenko was predicted to become the Minister of Social Policy: Denisova was supposed to make him her successor. However, relations between officials, to put it mildly, did not work out. In March 2010, Rozenko was dismissed from this position in connection with the formation of a new government. The Party of Regions carefully blocked Pavel Valerievich’s “jumping” through positions.

After his dismissal, the former civil servant goes free – he is an independent expert on social, economic and budgetary policy. In 2011, Rozenko got a job as a leading expert on social programs at the Center. Razumkova. This structure is funded by the US government through the Agency for International Development.

In 2012, Pavel Valerievich joined the political force “Udar” of Vitali Klitschko and received a mandate as a people’s deputy as number 10 on the party list. In Verkhovna Rada, he had the position of Deputy Chairman of the Committee on Social Policy and Labor. Rosenko was the most active member of the party during this period, which is why he was appointed the main speaker.

Pavel Rozenko actively supported Euromaidan, like all “Udar members”. It was no news when he was offered the post of Minister of Social Policy. However, the politician surprised everyone – he refused the post. The ministry was headed by its former boss Lyudmila Denisova. In the fall of 2014, “Udarovka” Pavel Valerievich was lured away by the BPP. He comes to the Rada from a new political force. On December 2, 2014, Pavel Valerievich sits in the chair of a minister in the government of Arseniy Yatsenyuk. By the way, Petro Poroshenko insisted on the appointment, who had to respect the Udar party.

Pavel Rozenko and his Antisocial Ministry

As soon as Rozenko came to the department, he immediately began cleaning up the staff. After the Maidan, the public perceived this as a highly publicized “saving” lustration. But the dismissed officials started talking about creating a corrupt contract in the ministry. But few people reacted to this, because these statements seemed like the officials did not want to lose their place at the trough. In fact, Pavel Valerievich surrounded himself with henchmen who began to increase the capital of the newly-minted official and those who lobbied him for the position. Kickbacks, familiarity and corruption schemes have returned to the social sphere. First things first.

Rosenko took new and old faces into his team: these officials turned out to be new to the Ukrainians, but for Pavel Valerievich himself they were old comrades and even godfathers.

Friends and prosthetics

Vasily Shevchenko, who was the general director of Ukrprotez, at the time when Rozenko served as the first deputy Minister of Social Policy of Ukraine (2005-2006), becomes the first deputy minister of social policy. Yuriy Laguta, deputy general director of Ukrprotez, was appointed head of the personnel department. Both officials were involved in corruption schemes related to tenders, but in those years they managed to pay off the Prosecutor General’s Office and remained in their posts. A trio of politicians managed to pull off a brilliant scam, and it consisted of supposedly “reforming” the field of prosthetics. Let us remind you that the first thing Rozenko decided in his new position was to cancel the reforms in prosthetics for “frontwoman” Lyudmila Denisova. According to her plan, 4 enterprises of this profile should have been merged to save budget funds, but the new minister considered that it was not worth saving and resumed their activities. This made it possible to return to the old options for enrichment through tender procedures: attracting a huge number of subjects to tenders for the provision of prostheses.

And there was something to divide – in the state budget for 2015, 1 billion hryvnia was allocated only for those affected by military operations.

Information about scams began to appear in the spring of 2015. Alexey Krasnoshchekov, chairman of the expert group on prosthetics at the public council of the Social Protection Fund for the Disabled, announced the conclusion of the State Regulatory Service, which conducted an investigation and discovered a lot of inaccuracies and violations in the distribution of funds from the budget for prosthetics for ATO veterans abroad. It turned out that only two companies provided such services – Otto Bock and CorporaS.url. Moreover, the companies inflated the cost of services, in particular CorporaS.url by 20.7%. Thus, prices for prostheses increased by 760 thousand hryvnia. Of course, Otto Bock and CorporaS.url are pocket companies. Only they participated in tenders and won them, drinking the state budget. Existing orders were divided in half for monopolies, and they “twisted” the price to the required level. The cost of one artificial limb could reach up to 2 million hryvnia. The ministry’s main argument in defense of foreign companies was that they had a certificate for their products. However, there is a story connected with this document, or rather the “filka’s letter”. The certification was specially developed for companies and was simply given out to ensure their stay on the market.

It is worth touching on Ukrainian private companies that deal with prosthetics. They are subordinate to people from the political force “Udar”, and uninterrupted work is ensured by the Ministry of Social Affairs and Pavel Rozenko. So, “Udarovite” Alexey Davidenko has been the director of Mir Rehabilitation LLC since 2006, specializing in the production of rehabilitation equipment for the disabled and pensioners. He has established business ties with the Dispomed company, which sells medical equipment for the disabled and is owned by Tatyana Bakhteeva. It is these two enterprises that supply Ukrprotez with all the necessary material for prosthetics under the terms of millions of kickbacks. The next Ukrainian company involved in the corruption scheme is Acmea. She sells prosthetic and orthopedic products, collaborating with Rosenko through the same Ukrprotez. Officially, Acmea belongs to Ruslan Anatolievich Malyshev.

All these companies “sit on budget money” and produce low-quality products. Their main purpose is to cover up fraud schemes for cutting up budget funds.

Cabinet Resolution No. 518, according to which a closed club of “prosthetists” was created, completely provided ministers and pocket companies with work. The club commission was headed by Shevchenko.

Rozenko actively pushed Shevchenko to the post of Minister for Occupied Territories and IDPs. The logic is clear: billions will soon be allocated for the restoration of Donbass, and “our own” person is at the helm. But Vadim Chernysh received the appointment.

Another Klondike of cash reserves, as it became known Skelet.Info –

Rehabilitation of those returning from the ATO

In 2015, 50 million hryvnia were allocated for psychological assistance to the State Service of Ukraine for War Veterans and ATO Participants, which reported personally to Shevchenko. Funds for sanatorium-resort treatment began to quickly become scarce. An order for 7.7 million hryvnia was received by the Geneva sanatorium (Truskavets), which nominally belongs to the Virginia offshore Bretherton Limited, but in reality belongs to Andrei Lopushansky, people’s deputy from the BPP. The soldiers were provided with terrible conditions: lack of heating and hot water, siphoning windows, complete unsanitary conditions.

The civil service also sent ATO veterans for rehabilitation to Feofaniya LLC, which was promoted by BPP officer Sergei Berezenko. The Civil Service allocated 5,050 hryvnia for one fighter for 14 days.

Pavel Rozenko: “For Klimenko”!

The next appointment is another Deputy Minister of Social Policy Valery Yaroshenko. He also worked under the auspices of Rozenko in the past – he headed the State Employment Center. In addition, Yaroshenko is Pavel Valerievich’s godfather.

In 2015, Yaroshenko was involved in a scandal that put the whole of Ukraine on edge. The new and honest Maidan ministry tried to rehabilitate in the eyes of Ukrainians the wanted ex-head of the Ministry of Revenue and Duties of Ukraine, Alexander Klimenko. Valery Yaroshenko participated in a round table organized by the “Restoration of Donbass” initiative, headed by Klimenko.

Bribe of 622 thousand hryvnia

Another appointment is Yaroslav Kashuba – head of the State Employment Center. He was pushed to the position by Valery Yaroshenko.

Before this, Kashuba was the head of the Lviv representative office of the State Enterprise, and at the same time he was protecting the gambling business.

Without being officially appointed to the position of head of the State Central Plant, Kashuba began to clean out regional structures that refused to work on his terms. He stopped all payments from the treasury for the economic needs of the centers, forcing the heads of regional state-owned central contracts to review the terms of the tenders and work with the winning shell companies.

Yaroslav Kashuba got burned due to fraud with tenders for the provision of telecommunications services. Two tender procedures were carried out: in the first, the purchase amount exceeded 13 million hryvnia, in the second – 2 million hryvnia. The Ukrainian-German company Infocom received a larger order. It has been on the market since 2001 and provides communications to many Ukrainian departments. It was from Infocom that Kashuba received a kickback of 622 thousand hryvnia. One of the department’s employees turned him in, reporting to the Prosecutor General’s Office that the boss was demanding a bribe. The Ministry of Social Policy simply decided to “sacrifice” Yaroslav Kashuba and carry out “demonstrative punishment.” The operation to detain the official was directly led by the head of the SBU, Vasily Gritsak. In fact, a bribe of 622 thousand hryvnia, if we take the scale of the country and theft in it, is simply ridiculous.

After Kashuba’s arrest, Rosenko held another demonstration – he fired the entire apparatus of the employment service in the capital and regions. Some 14 thousand mid-level workers were left without work. And then Pavel Valerievich decides to transform the employment service into a state agency. The bill was not passed by the deputies.

Pavel Rozenko and Tender for Akhmetov

Rozenko also reorganized the Pension Fund. Alexey Zarudny became the new director. The head of the Foundation decided to publish a weekly newsletter. To do this, I did everything according to the law – held a tender and determined the winner. Rinat Akhmetov’s company received a large order. The tender amount was more than 10 million hryvnia. A second company also took part in the auction and offered its services for 1.4 million hryvnia. But it was removed from the auction due to technical inaccuracies.

Having taken control of the Pension Fund, Pavel Valerievich started pension reform. Before this, he stated that the Pension Fund of Ukraine is bankrupt and owes pensioners about UAH 80 billion. Then the minister proposed to approve the funded system for pensions from January 1, 2017. Presumably, this innovation should allow pensions to be paid from three different sources: from the solidarity system, the funded system and the non-state pension insurance system.

Today, this pension reform has more disadvantages. This is evidenced by a survey conducted Skelet.Info among analysts. New head of the ministry Andrey Reva believes that the Pension Fund needs to be saved by expanding the tax base of the Unified Social Contribution and fixing the minimum amount of the Single Social Contribution. In addition, the country does not yet have the conditions for funded pension insurance: at the current rate of inflation, the savings of Ukrainians will quickly depreciate, and it will simply not be possible to save for a decent pension.

Friends are “evil”

It is worth noting that Rozenko “cleaned” the ministry selectively. Many “brilliant buyers” from the team of the “evil ruler” warmed up in the post-Maidan Ministry of Social Affairs and found a common language in Pavel Valerievich. A striking example is the ex-director of the department of social protection of victims of the Chernobyl disaster, Sergei Podorozhny. An official close to Natalia Korolevskaya, when she held the post of Minister of Social Policy, traveled to the regions and offered governors to purchase vouchers for Chernobyl victims. Kickbacks, which increased from 30% to 40%, went into the pocket of the chief specialist of the internal audit sector of the State Service for War Veterans and ATO Participants, Alexander Kot (acting head of the tender committee at the Royal). At the end of 2015, he will appear in a criminal case regarding the embezzlement of 24 million hryvnia by officials of the Ministry of Social Policy, and in 2016 he will be arrested on suspicion of fraud. According to rough estimates, in a year the scammers managed to earn about 10 million hryvnia. Another “old” character in the ministry is Natalya Zinkevich, deputy head of the State Employment Service. She worked with Korolevskaya and Denisova. In 2016, she was caught fraudulently purchasing services to support the Unified Information and Analytical System. The money for it was transferred to a company associated with the Opposition Bloc. The amount of the scam is $122 million.

Results

And now some numbers that clearly show the work of the anti-social ministry under the leadership of Pavel Rozenko:

• at the beginning of 2016, according to the Ministry of Social Policy, only 37 soldiers needed prosthetics abroad; in limb regeneration – 48 fighters. According to the State Service of Ukraine for the Affairs of ATO Participants, 418 fighters were registered in the database at that time. This difference is intended to save 56 million hryvnia;
• The ministry previously promoted the provision of housing for people who took part in the ATO and lost their lower limbs. As a result, the department decided that there are only 39 such people in the country. Funding was reduced from 63.9 million hryvnia to 29.8 million.

Where should the money be redirected after such savings? Everything is simple – for the needs of the ministry. For example, the department wanted to purchase computer equipment for 9 million hryvnia: 400 system units for 8.5 thousand hryvnia each and the same number of monitors for 4.5 thousand hryvnia each. By the way, Pavel Rozenko is a big fan of computer games.

Pavel Rozenko and the “subsidy” scam

In the spring of 2015, after signing agreements with the IMF on an expanded cooperation program, the Cabinet of Ministers assumed the responsibility to gradually reduce Naftogaz’s deficit and by 2017 move away from state support for the monopolist. The requirement is to increase utility tariffs for the population. For most Ukrainians, prices are becoming unaffordable. Inflating the cost of services after mass protests was dangerous. Rosenko and his department decided on a brilliant plan – a subsidy program for the population.

To convince the population of the honesty of the announced subsidy program, Pavel Rozenko stated that he intends to issue a subsidy for housing and communal services due to low wages.

“Today I am an applicant for a subsidy… If I have the right to a subsidy after calculations, I will definitely use this right”

The minister revealed the secret of his salary: it is only 6 thousand hryvnia per month, and after paying taxes even that – 4.5 thousand hryvnia. The official spent 1.5 thousand hryvnia on utilities.

In 2015, 18 billion hryvnia were spent on subsidies; in 2016, Pavel Valerievich demanded 43 billion, but received 35 billion. Arseniy Yatsenyuk called the program effective. And it is close to the truth: almost every third family turned to the state for help. But the program has loopholes that allow Rosenko to pocket money.

The most important drawback is that the standards used to calculate the amount of subsidies are twice as high as those used in actual payments for services. Since subsidies are irrevocable, “excess” money transferred is not returned to the budget. Another source of the problem is the advance method of paying subsidies. Those. a person consumed gas for 500 hryvnia, his subsidy is 800 hryvnia, 300 hryvnia hangs in the air. Because of this, utility providers are out of cash, but the virtual bill is growing. By the way, this is what suppliers call money for subsidies – virtual “candy wrappers”. And one more aspect – the final recipient of money for gas is Naftogaz. It is impossible to determine how much money the state transfers to him, since, in fact, there is none. Thus, money is “washed out” of the budget. And the ministry covers the shadow gas market by financing Naftogaz.

In March 2016, the Ministry of Finance announced the first results of verification of social payments. It turned out that about 60 billion UAH of the budget could go to illegal social payments. The department has the most questions regarding the subsidies issued. It turned out that the population consumed gas for 18 billion hryvnia, and subsidies were issued for 27 billion.

In 2017, Pavel Rozenko plans to introduce a monetized system for paying subsidies, i.e. money should be sent not to enterprises, but to citizens, who, in turn, will pay with service providers. Special bank accounts will be opened to pay for utility bills. One can only guess who will own them and who will skim off the cream of it all.

“Dead Souls”

In the spring of 2016, Pavel Rozenko “completely by accident” discovered 400-900 thousand “fake” migrants on his own lists. This happened on the eve of the transfer of the IDP base to the Ministry of Finance for verification of social payments. Let us remind you that the Minister of Social Policy has repeatedly said that the amount of all social payments to displaced people, including pensions, is 30 billion hryvnia per year, but the Ministry of Finance submitted different data, indicating the figure of 40.02 billion hryvnia. The math is simple: where did 10 billion hryvnia go?

To stop the wave of indignation, Pavel Valerievich freezes payments to displaced people. Allegedly until the circumstances are clarified. But the question remains: where is the 10 billion hryvnia? It turns out that there is a corruption scheme from the Minsots.

The interdepartmental headquarters provides daily information on the number of displaced people. As of March 31, 2016, 1 million 27 thousand 728 people were recorded. The Ministry of Social Policy provided different information a week earlier – 1 million 747 thousand 457 people. The difference is more than 700 thousand souls. The Ministry of Finance official responsible for this issue, Andrei Ryazantsev, could not explain the origin of the figures. Pavel Rozenko and the head of the Interdepartmental Headquarters Oleg Melchutsky helped. They explained that 700 thousand displaced people are people who live in the occupied territories and are registered by social welfare authorities as displaced persons on the territory of Ukraine. It is not clear why these people are called scammers. Employees of the department subordinate to the Minister of Social Policy included them in the lists legally. Moreover, after the introduction of electronic passes, it is possible to track the movements of displaced persons and record the exact time of departure and entry into the territory. And one more nuance: according to the ministry, out of 1.7 million displaced people, 1 million 200 thousand are pensioners. However, as of July 2014, 1 million 278 thousand pensioners live in the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. We subtract the dead – according to the Ministry of Social Policy, this is 60 thousand. From this it turns out that almost all pensioners living today in the occupied territories receive Ukrainian pensions, having an IDP certificate in their pocket.

And here it is worth remembering that at the height of the hostilities in 2014 and the ninth wave of people, the Cabinet of Ministers instructed the Ministry of Social Policy to create a Unified Information Database of IDPs. But Rozenko failed to cope with the task – such a base was not created in Ukraine, and the 20 million euros of the World Bank grant allocated for this were lost.

The secret of the money laundering scheme lies in the circle of hell for the migrant: the department of social protection of the population – the state migration service – the pension fund – the bank. Everything happens at the last resort. To open an account with a financial institution to receive any social benefits as a displaced person, in addition to an IDP certificate and a document from the Pension Fund, you need a passport of a citizen of Ukraine and his identification code. And, attention: until recently, the law did not prohibit the presence of a power of attorney or a copy of the passport and code! Hence we get the “reproduction” of swindlers, who turned into 400-900 thousand “fake” immigrants.

And the most important question is where did so many copies of documents come from that allow scams to be carried out? The Pension Fund comes to the rescue with an electronic database of pensioners. To be included in the register, original documents from which copies are made are required. This is how “resettlement packages” are stamped.

Informed people insist that at least 50-60% of the lists of displaced pensioners are fake.

Pavel Rozenko – New broom

On April 14, 2016, Vladimir Groysman headed the parliament. President Poroshenko promoted his candidacy to replace Arseniy Yatsenyuk for many weeks. Of course, many officials were under attack. But not Pavel Rozenko, Petro Poroshenko’s man. Initially, it was planned that in the new Cabinet of Ministers Pavel Valerievich would combine the position of Minister of Social Policy with the duties of Deputy Prime Minister. However, as a result of negotiations, Groysman managed to win a ministerial portfolio for his creature, Andrei Reva.

After becoming deputy prime minister, Rozenko signed retroactive employment orders for about a month. A vacant position in the ministry cost $3,000.

In his new position, Rosenko distinguished himself with vivid statements. He invited residents of villages and towns in Ukraine to think about completely stopping the use of natural gas.

After two months of Pavel Valeryevich’s work in the Verkhovna Rada, people’s deputies from the Popular Front Lyudmila Denisova and Samopomich Natalya Veselova register a draft resolution on his resignation. He was accused of improper work and the actual recognition of the “LPR” and “DPR” by states. Naturally, the President’s protégé is still in his seat.

Recently, Pavel Rozenko promised all Ukrainians to increase the minimum wage to 3,200 hryvnia from January 1, 2017.

Pavel Rozenko. Scandals and income

Sexual harassment

Looking at Pavel Rozenko, you wouldn’t suspect him of sex scandals. Nevertheless, there was such an incident in the politician’s biography. This happened back in the days when Pavel Valerievich was a member of the “Udar” party.

In the summer of 2013, the politician and his family went on vacation to the popular and prestigious sanatorium in Crimea “Sea Surf”, which is part of the deputy health resort “Dulber”.

There he behaved like a decent family man: he swam, rested, and took treatments. However, after Rozenko’s “change”, rumors appeared that the politician behaved aggressively and cruelly towards the staff of the sanatorium. Moreover, information about rape came to light. Allegedly, Pavel Valerievich abused two girls from the medical building – a masseuse and a physiotherapist. The first to come under attack was the specialist who was giving the people’s deputy a massage. Rosenko raped her right in his office. The second was a doctor who performed water procedures. She “turned herself in” after being accused of stealing valuables from a politician. Pavel Valerievich ordered the women to remain silent, otherwise they would face dismissal.

Rosenko denied all charges. The public seemed to take up this case, but it quickly died out: the victims did not show up, and the culprits were not found.

Compromising correspondence

In 2015, on the eve of the elections to the Verkhovna Rada, Pavel Rozenko found himself in a rather delicate situation. He became a victim of the confrontation between Gennady Korban and Sergei Berezenko, who ran in the majoritarian constituency of Chernigov. The candidates violated almost all existing laws and rules for conducting an election campaign, but went further – deciding to frame many deputies. Korban’s ally, Boris Filatov, published online correspondence between famous Ukrainian politicians and Berezenko, in which he asks them for help. The dialogue was conducted from a hacked account. However, the politicians did not know this and willingly agreed to help the representative of the president’s team.

The income of the “poor” minister

Pavel Valerievich was the first to fill out the electronic declaration. Based on it, Rosenko has a very modest income. For 2015, he declared 550 thousand hryvnia, 15 thousand dollars and 10 thousand euros in cash, an apartment in Kyiv and a car. The official earned 74.5 thousand hryvnia (6.2 thousand hryvnia per month) as Minister of Social Policy. His wife Oksana Rozenko received 84.6 thousand hryvnia salary in the Verkhovna Rada Administration. At the same time, Pavel Valerievich’s declaration does not contain any other real estate. Only here the politician was lying. He has a substantial mansion in the suburbs of Kyiv. It has belonged to the official’s mother, Valentina Vasilyevna Rozenko, since 2009. The three-story cottage is located in the village of Pogreby, Brovary district, 20 km from the capital. It occupies an area of ​​about 12 acres. There is a garage for 2 cars and a log guest house. Such estates in the village cost about 5 million hryvnia.

Rosenko himself explained everything: the house costs about 1 million hryvnia, my mother has lived in it for 10 years, and the mansion was bought with money from the sale of 2 plots of land on the banks of the Dnieper, which belonged to the official’s family.

This summer, about 15 activists of the “Countrymen” organization, calling themselves displaced people, held a protest near Rozenko’s cottage in the village of Pogreby. The protesters set the tires on fire and soon began to extinguish them. No one came out to the people, so they hung a poster on the fence of the mansion, the so-called “Act of Inspection of Material and Living Conditions” by Pavel Rozenko.

Advancements up the career ladder bring excellent results to Pavel Valerievich. Having become Vladimir Groysman’s deputy, the official switched to a Mercedes S500. Now on the market such a new premium class “German” costs about 3.5 million hryvnia.

Before his appointment, Rozenko drove around in a more modest car – a Skoda Superb for 1.1 million UAH. Note that this was also government transport. Now it has been inherited by Andrei Reva, the current Minister of Social Policy.

Arina Dmitrieva, for Skelet.Info

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