Oleg Tsarev: the unlucky “chairman of Novorossiya”. PART 1

In the spring of 2014, a bruised Oleg Tsarev, the only holder of a real mandate in this booth of impostors, joined the motley company of “people’s governors” and “people’s mayors” in the rebellion-ridden Donbass. However, immediately after this, Tsarev was deprived of the powers and immunity of a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada, which he exchanged for the virtual crown of “chairman of the parliament of Novorossiya.” And from that moment on, the ephemeral “Novorossiya” was doomed to complete failure, because Oleg Tsarev has a remarkable talent to destroy and compromise any political project he touches.

Well, in this case, Ukraine only benefited from this! To some extent, she was saved by the fact that in the difficult chaos of 2014, “leaders” like Tsarev, stupid and restless, entangled in their own illusions, stood at the head of the separatist and collaborationist forces. It is worth agreeing that if the enemy were well organized and clearly understood his goals, then it would be much more difficult to stop him.

And yet, one should not perceive Oleg Tsarev only as some fool with a black eye or a disinterested preacher of the “Russian world” (depending on how one sees him). Although he completely failed and disgraced himself as a public politician (both in Ukraine and in Novorossiya), Tsarev had previously established himself as a very successful, albeit dishonest, businessman. Moreover, he successfully continues to do business today.

Oleg Tsarev. First business

Tsarev Oleg Anatolievich born June 2, 1970 in Dnepropetrovsk. His father, Anatoly Ivanovich Tsarev, worked in the rocket engine design bureau, although he was not an indispensable designer there. Likewise, his mother, Nina Vasilievna Tsareva, although she had a candidate’s degree in chemical sciences, was hardly a luminary of science. The fact is that in 1984, Nina Tsareva was transferred to Ternopil to head the department of inorganic chemistry at the Pedagogical Institute – that is, to train school teachers. And along with her, the entire Tsarev family moved to Ternopil, including its head Anatoly Ivanovich – and in the missile design bureau no one held him by the tails of his white coat. Which raises the question, what did he do there? According to sources Skelet.Infothe real reason for their move was a certain scandalous story, which was hushed up, sending the Tsarevs away from Dnepropetrovsk (they returned to Dnepropetrovsk in 1987, with the beginning of “perestroika”).

However, Oleg Tsarev always used the “titles” of his parents to create his image of “the son of scientists and rocket creators,” which he thickly sprinkled with his own lies. For example, that in the 10th grade he became the winner of a certain “physics and mathematics Olympiad at Moscow University” (in fact, none was held), thanks to which he was allegedly invited to study at MEPhI (Moscow Engineering Physics Institute), where He entered the specialty “automation and electronics of physical installations”. But, according to other information, his father, who had very great connections (not so much in scientific, but in the leadership and economic circles of the “rocket scientists”), placed him at MEPhI.

Oleg Tsarev also liked to boast that at MEPhI they were allegedly trained for the “Soviet star wars program” – which was another lie, since this program was closed by Gorbachev in 1988. And young Tsarev showed enormous business interest in his potential enemy, wanting not to fight with him, but to trade – even to the detriment of his country, but with benefit for his pocket. Returning to his native Dnepropetrovsk in 1992, he worked briefly as a simple engineer, and within a few weeks he plunged into the world of “near-production” business. According to sources Skelet.Infothe first private companies in which he worked were created by his parents, relatives and family friends. These were MP Avtex (1992), LLC Kurs, insurance company Dovira (1993), as well as the Ukrainian-American joint venture ComputerLand. The latter was created in partnership with the American company MBL International East – according to some information, its owners were former emigrants from the USSR. A major scam was associated with this company: in 1990-91. in Dnepropetrovsk they announced the creation of a computer equipment production facility, a large foreign currency loan was allocated for this business – which in the end no one returned. And instead of own production, a joint venture was created that supplied ready-made components (including obsolete and “reanimated” ones) from the USA to Dnepropetrovsk, from which computers were assembled in two “change houses”, sculpting the “MBL” brand on them. In return, the joint venture imported non-ferrous metals and expensive alloys, which were then abundant in industrial Dnepropetrovsk. This is where the Tsarev family of associates rose up, and from ComputerLand in 1995, Dnepropetrovsk Computer Center LLC grew. It is worth noting that MBL International East opened the same joint venture in Kyiv, which still operates under the guise of ComputerLand Kiev.

Using the proceeds, the Tsarevs, putting Oleg Anatolyevich at the head of the family business (and he also has brothers Mikhail and Ivan, and sister Maria), began buying up enterprises in Dnepropetrovsk.

Since the most profitable and large ones were snapped up by cool families, clans and organized crime groups, the Tsarevs were content with “crumbs”: in 1998 they “got hold of” the Dnepropetrovsk paper factory, in 2000-2002 bakeries in Dneprodzerzhinsk and Novomoskovsk. Their raking hands then stretched all the way to the Crimea, where they managed to “squeeze out” an entire sanatorium for themselves!

This story was full of oddities and omissions. First of all, it remains completely unknown who helped the Tsarevs seize the sanatorium. Kirova (Yalta, Kirova Street, 39), who shared their share, who covered for them? Only the following was reported: in 2002, this sanatorium (a building with 612 beds, swimming pools, 7 hectares of park) was corporatized and turned into CJSC “Sanatorium named after. CM. Kirov” with registration in… Dnepropetrovsk! At first, the state owned 60% of the shares, but then the closed joint-stock company incurred a debt of 7.3 million hryvnia to the Tsarevs’ Dnepropetrovsk companies Bagira-N and Topaz-K – after which the state shares were transferred to them to pay off the debt. As they say, dashing!

Oleg Tsarev. Dnepropetrovsk Lezginka

Perhaps, Oleg Tsarev today could have lived the quiet life of a mediocre Dnipropetrovsk businessman if he had not decided to acquire the mandate of a people’s deputy. In the 2002 parliamentary elections, he ran in single-mandate constituency No. 40, choosing as his political platform the then little-known Party of Regions (from which one of its founders, Petro Poroshenko, had just left). It is worth noting that the results of the then elections in the region were very specific: the leaders on the party lists were the Communist Party of Ukraine (almost 32%), the bloc “For EdU” (11.43%) and the United Social Democrats (9.58%), but originally the local BYuT received only 4.32%. Red and blue-and-white flags flew over Dnepropetrovsk, the workers of its factories advocated economic cooperation with Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism), and then no one could have imagined that 12 years later the city would become the main eastern bastion of “pro-Ukrainian radicalism.”

Speaking under the banner of PR, which was then part of the “For Food” bloc, Tsarev won the elections in the 40th district with a result of 30.26%; while beating candidates from the SDPU (u), Hromada and the Communist Party of Ukraine. It is clear that “eloquence” alone and even Tsarev’s money were not enough for this. But who supported the newcomer?

Numerous sources Skelet.Info they report that even then Oleg Tsarev was “under the roof” of such a well-known personality in Dnepropetrovsk as Zagid Krasnov. A native of Dagestan and Lezgin by nationality, Zagiddin Gabibulaev (according to the Soviet passport Zagiddin Gabibulaevich Gabibulaev) settled in Dnepropetrovsk in the 80s, and in the early 90s, under the nickname “Zagid”, became a member of the organized crime group “Mukhtara” (Mukhtara Magometov), ​​one of the Caucasian groups that then played a big role in the shadow life of the entire region. But if the Narika organized crime group (Alexandra Nalekreshvili) dealt with large businessmen of the Privat level, the Mukhtara organized crime group worked, accordingly, with smaller-scale businessmen. After the murder of Magometov, the group was headed by Gabibulaev, and he was called not a criminal businessman, but rather a tough “foreman” of racketeers and militants. At the same time, according to sources Skelet.Infosince the 80s, Gibibulaev voluntarily collaborated with the KGB (he even dreamed of becoming a security officer himself), and therefore he survived the 90s without problems with law enforcement agencies, after which he retrained as an entrepreneur and entered the new century as Zagid Gennadievich Krasnov (taking his surname wife).

They said that in the 2002 elections, Krasnov had a negotiated “quota” for several mandates at different levels of government, and that allegedly at the last moment he changed his mind about going to the Rada, and was elected to the Dnepropetrovsk City Council, where he immediately took up land issues. He decided to “give” the victory in constituency No. 40, which he controlled, and the mandate of the People’s Deputy of the Verkhovna Rada to his protégé Oleg Tsarev. At the same time, what’s interesting is that Tsarev became a “regional” almost by chance (only to be nominated as a candidate), but this case determined his entire future life.

In politics, Zagid Krasnov never adhered to any principles; he tried to put his eggs in different baskets. In April 2004, he became a consultant to the Coordination Committee for the Fight against Corruption and Organized Crime under President Kuchma (what an irony!), and already in the summer of the same year he headed the Dnepropetrovsk election headquarters of Viktor Yushchenko, and during the first Maidan he headed the “National Salvation Committee” in the city ” Then it was reported that the Dnepropetrovsk Maidan 2004 happily grunted into the barrel and shouted “Yu-schen-ko!”, without fear of either the police or the “titushki”, because he was guarded by the “fighters” of Zagida Krasnov and his colleagues Nalekreshvili. For this, in 2005, Krasnov was briefly appointed acting. Deputy Dnepropetrovsk Regional State Administration.

But his protégé Oleg Tsarev, on the contrary, tried to cling more tightly to Viktor Yanukovych. But in 2004, he did not succeed: Yanukovych’s election headquarters in Dnepropetrovsk was completely controlled by Sergei Tigipko’s people. And only after Tigipko abandoned Yanukovych, Oleg Tsarev was able to get through to his “body”. It is not known what he promised the “leader” there, but in 2005 Tsarev was appointed chairman of the Dnepropetrovsk branch of the newly revived Party of Regions. His task was to ensure the victory of the Party of Regions in the 2006 elections and to transform it into a “leading and directing force” of the region, subordinate to the “Donetsk”. And Tsarev successfully failed this task.

Tsarev: how to solve everything

Having mobilized the resource entrusted to him and taking advantage of the protest sentiments of voters, in the 2006 elections Oleg Tsarev had every chance to put the region at the feet of Yanukovych, securing for the PR a stable majority in the regional and city councils (Tsarev himself was again elected to the Rada, as well as to the regional council). In fact, he almost failed the elections to the regional council because he too openly bribed voters with rations with PR symbols and organized holidays on behalf of the party – for which in March 2006 the Kirovsky District Court removed it from the regional elections. Realizing that the Donetsk people would simply execute him for this, Tsarev, in a panic, began to correct his mistakes by organizing rallies and pickets (for which Zagid Krasnov allocated his people to him) and barely achieved the restoration of the party through the Court of Appeal a couple of days before the elections.

Clutching the mandates of a deputy of both the Verkhovna Rada and the regional council, Oleg Tsarev chose for a long time and painfully. The fact is that at first Tsarev’s main goal was the chair of the head of the regional council. But the elections caused such resistance from the “orange” that they dragged on for several months. Tsarev eventually lost his mandate as a deputy of the regional council, since the court demanded that he make up his mind – and he chose a guaranteed seat in the Rada. After this, through behind-the-scenes intrigue, Yuri Vilkul was elected head of the Dnepropetrovsk regional council. At the same time, the Vilkuls had a grudge against Tsarev since the local elections were held, when the court removed the Party of Regions from the elections (and Yuri Vilkul was running for the regional council on the party list), so the relationship between them initially did not work out.

Tsarev also became deluded in the Dnepropetrovsk City Council. At first, everything went as planned: PR candidates received the majority of mandates and formed the largest faction, which formed the majority in alliance with the Lazarenko Bloc faction, created by Zagid Krasnov. Their duet was complemented by Alexander Timoshenko: the Tsarevs’ trusted manager (managed Dnepropetrovsk Computer Center LLC, then a paper mill) was promoted to the city council and elected its secretary.

But how did Tsarev use the opportunities he received? In fact, he immediately placed the created majority in the City Council under the authority of Zagid Krasnov, nicknamed “Director of the City Council.” Tsarev himself began to work with him on the deforestation of the Dnepropetrovsk land. The media reported that in the period 2006-2008. According to various schemes, Tsarev and Krasnov appropriated many land plots, the market value of which was estimated at 800 million dollars! Among them: 150 hectares of land on the monastery Green Island, plots on the Solnechny residential area and Malinovsky embankment. At the same time, most of the “profits” went into the pockets of Krasnov, under whom Oleg Tsarev remained his “junior partner.”

Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info

CONTINUED: Oleg Tsarev: the unlucky “chairman of Novorossiya”. PART 2

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