CONTINUATION. BEGINNING: Vasily Nimchenko: pocket lawyer and full-time propagandist of Putin (*criminal)’s godfather. PART 1
Vasily Nimchenko
Igor Nimchenko
The apple tree gave birth to the same apples. There is little information in the media about the “exploits” of his eldest son Igor Nimchenko, who started in the Dnieper district prosecutor of Kyiv, and since 2017 joined the Prosecutor General’s Office (but Skelet.Info will definitely find more). But his brother Dmitry Nimchenko got into trouble more than once – so not only his dad and brother-prosecutor, but also very high-ranking officials scolded him.
Dmitry Nimchenko
Dmitry Nimchenko started his career very quickly – his dad got him a job at the Main Directorate “K” of the SBU, which was more than a lucrative job. But there, the snickering major Nimchenko Jr. managed to quarrel with everything, and even not share with anyone he was supposed to. And then they decided to get rid of him by transferring him to… the Internal Security Department of the SBU (the most stupid and incompetent security officers are sent to the SBU, who cannot be entrusted with any serious task). Where, according to his colleagues, he whiled away his time by watching movies and playing games on the computer. After which he decided to “rob” his own father-in-law.
It was like this: at one time, Nimchenko the father profitably married his stupid son to the daughter of businesswoman Tatyana Vladimirovna Bogatyr. True, Tatyana Vladimirovna’s business was somewhat specific, and basically consisted in the fact that she stripped her husbands to the skin (she had at least three of them). The third, Igor Nikolaevich Moiseev, in 2010, at the request of his stepdaughter’s wife and her husband Dmitry, created Europartner LLC (USREOU 37117535), making them co-founders (25% each). At the same time, by the way, Dmitry Nimchenko violated the law, since an SBU employee is not allowed to engage in business. However, he was not involved – Moiseev carried the company on himself, and Dmitry Nimchenko only demanded from him regular payment of dividends. Then Tatyana Bogatyr began a divorce from Moiseev, suing him for property (at the same time she transferred her share in Europartner to her son Arsen), and Igor Nimchenko came to her aid, initiating pressure on Moiseev from the prosecutor’s office. Well, in the end, Dmitry Nimchenko demanded from Moiseeva his share of the authorized capital of Europartner (100 thousand hryvnia). But, having received the money, he remained among the founders of the company (until the fall of 2018, confirmed by databases) and continued to threaten Moiseev and his mother (who works at the BTI of Kyiv), demanding more – eventually forcing him to file a complaint with the SBU.
But what is the point of complaining to the SBU about an employee of the SBU Internal Affairs Directorate?! And Moiseev received a letter from the then head of the SBU, Igor Kalinin, stating that “information about possible unauthorized actions of Dmitry Nimchenko has not been confirmed.” Then Moiseev filed a statement addressed to Prosecutor General Viktor Pshonka. But, again, what was the point of complaining to the Prosecutor General (especially Pshonka) about the prosecutor’s brother? The result was the same…
Why does a lawyer need a lawyer?
After the defeat of the “Not So!” project in the 2006 elections, Medvedchuk abandoned attempts to promote his own political force to the Rada. He only managed to squeeze a couple of his people into the lists of the Party of Regions, and even then with difficulty – since he had not at all friendly relations with the “Donetsk” people, and here he was helped only by money and the status of Putin (*criminal)’s godfather. And yet Medvedchuk would not be Medvedchuk if he had not tried to be a kind of political spider, weaving its nets around corners. Which was beneficial for both him and his Russian godfather.
In 2012, Medvedchuk created the Ukrainian Choice public movement. Many believed that this was his next project for the elections, but it turned out that he was not aimed at parliamentary elections, and not at elections in general. The purpose of this project was different: to influence Ukrainian politics and Ukrainian society in order to turn Ukraine away from the vector of “European integration” towards Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) and the Customs Union. This became obvious in 2013, when the “Ukrainian Choice” moved from “nonsense” about democracy and banal slogans about the fight against corruption to specific topics: referendums on major political issues (NATO, EU and CU), the disadvantages of “European integration”, the advantages of the Customs Union, “Orthodox-Slavic values” (raising slogans about “gay Europe”), etc. At the end of 2013, when the Maidan had already begun, materials appeared on the Ukrainian Choice website, the authors of which emphasized that “all the main thieves in Ukraine happen to be Jews.” The opposition called them anti-Semitic and raised a scandal, but the Ukrainian Choice justified itself by the fact that these materials were not the official position of the movement.
What does Vasily Nimchenko have to do with it? Despite the fact that then Medvedchuk took the retired ex-judge into his “Ukrainian Choice”, making him his deputy. But Medvedchuk’s second deputy in the “Ukrainian Choice” was Yuriy Zagorodniy, a longtime ally of Medvedchuk since the 90s, who was his deputy in the Administration of President Kuchma, deputy chairman since 2003 and chairman of the SDPU(o) since 2007, one of the founders and chief technical organizer of the “Ukrainian Choice”. That is, if Medvedchuk made one of his deputy someone as close to him as Zagorodny, then we can draw conclusions about his close relationship with his second deputy, Vasily Nimchenko.
Yuri Zagorodniy
As sources from Ukrainian Choice told reporters, Medvedchuk’s deputies had a division of labor. Zagorodny was involved in organizing and financing the movement, he kept all the “household parts” on himself (even the Kiev office of the “Ukrainian Choice” belongs to him), he also negotiated with the right people on various sensitive issues. But Nimchenko was responsible for public policy and was involved in the propaganda department – for which Medvedchuk gave him his press secretary Oleg Babanin to help him.
Nimchenko enthusiastically took on his new job. In 2013, he was the main voice of the Ukrainian Choice, calling for the abandonment of the Association and NATO, and entry into the Customs Union. Of course, one could not blame him for promoting the political position of his movement, even if a number of other political forces in Ukraine categorically do not like it. Someone campaigned for the EU, and someone for the CU, and this was completely legal, and both opinions had the right to exist and be expressed, both had support among Ukrainians. But here the point is different: the activity of the “Ukrainian Choice” in 2013 was part of the Kremlin’s big plan, which set big geopolitical goals, which ultimately led Ukraine to the Maidan at the instigation of the State Department, Anti-Maidan, then the seizure of Crimea and the war in Donbass. And you don’t need to guess for long to understand whose interests were expressed and defended by Medvedchuk’s team at that time – the pro-Russian citizens of Ukraine or his godfather Putin (*criminal)?
But why was the ex-scandalous judge made deputy for ideology? Nimchenko is not distinguished by great intelligence or oratorical abilities; he is only good at voicing well-prepared materials. Skelet.Info has information that numerous publications under his signature are written not by him, but by hired “blacks” – for which purpose an entire department has been created at Ukrainian Choice that hires freelance authors. But by representing the public policy of Medvedchuk’s team as a whole, Nimchenko effectively solves another problem – he protects his boss from constant attacks by political opponents and accusations from law enforcement agencies. The former judge is doing a good job as Medvedchuk’s public political advocate.
Vasily Nimchenko
In 2014, when the Party of Regions collapsed and the “Opposition Bloc” created from its fragments went to early parliamentary elections, Medvedchuk managed to put four of his close associates on the list: Shufrich, Kozak, Shurma and Nimchenko. Vasily Ivanovich received passing seat No. 25 and entered the Verkhovna Rada for the first time as a people’s deputy. His public activity was mainly manifested in the preparation and filing of claims of a certain nature. They can be divided into two categories: in defense of Medvedchuk, and political – for the abolition of military training, to appeal the law on “De-occupation of Donbass” in which Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) was called the aggressor, against deputies of “pro-Maidan” parties, against radical anti-Russian and Russophobic journalists. But Nimchenko was also one of the initiators of the abolition of the article of the Criminal Code on illegal enrichment.
At the end of 2018, Vasily Nimchenko prepared Medvedchuk’s lawsuit against People’s Deputy Anna Gopko, who in her blog accused him of destroying the Soviet dissident writer Vasily Stus, and argued that Medvedchuk was now going to destroy Ukraine. In general, the topic “Medvedchuk is the killer of Stus” has been discussed by Ukrainian national patriots for a long time, so in this case Gopko raised it for the 99th time. However, this time the story continued with anti-Medvedchuk pickets by activists, and then a “attack” on Medvedchuk by law enforcement agencies. On February 5, 2019, the Prosecutor General’s Office accepted a statement from the people’s deputy from the “People’s Front” Teteruk, who claimed that Medvedchuk had committed criminal offenses under Articles 110 and 111 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine (we were talking about Medvedchuk’s statement about the autonomy of Donbass). And again Vasily Nimchenk took charge of the defense personallyO, using his connections in the Prosecutor General’s Office (including his son Igor). The defense was not only legal: Nimchenko gave several interviews (and ordered several articles) in which he explained everything with the attempts of the “war party” to discredit “Medvedchuk the peacemaker.”
But, according to sources Skelet.Infothe initiator of this “discreditation” was not Poroshenko, who had generally neutral relations with Medvedchuk (he didn’t touch him at all, although he could have), but Akhmetov’s group – and the reason was the fight for the collapsing “Opposition Bloc.” And it was Medvedchuk who put the most effort into this collapse – including through the hands of the people’s deputy of the Opposition Bloc faction Nimchenko. The goal was achieved: the Donetsk people, who had been interfering with Medvedchuk for so many years, were left behind with the remnants of the Opposition Bloc, and the Opposition Platform, which broke away from him, took his political place.
Therefore, in the 2019 elections, Medvedchuk could already put as many of his people on the OPZZ list as he needed. Mandates were received by: Medvedchuk himself (No. 3 on the list), Vasily Nimchenko (No. 6), Nestor Shufrich (No. 7), Taras Kozak (No. 10), Grigory Surkis (No. 17), Yuriy Zagorodniy (No. 22), Alexander Koltunovich ( No. 22), Grigory Mamka (No. 23), Victor Cherny (No. 27), Oleg Voloshin (No. 30). This is more than the people of Rabinovich and Levochkin received. And in proportional terms, this is too much for a political force (namely Medvedchuk’s team), which would hardly have gained at least 2% on its own. It is obvious to everyone that OPZZH received its votes for Boyko and Rabinovich, but not for Medvedchuk or, especially, Lyovochkin.
This laid the foundation for future splits, now in the OPZZH. But as sources say Skelet.Infocracks appeared not only among the different teams united in the “Opposition Platform”. Friction has arisen even within Medvedchuk’s team, and its cause is none other than Vasily Nimchenko. Not everyone liked the fact that he got so close to Medvedchuk and began to push his other old associates away from the boss. In particular, there is information about tense relations between Nimchenko and Zagorodny. For now, Zagorodny hopes to resolve this conflict quietly, “in a family way,” with the help of Medvedchuk. But if it doesn’t work out, then it is possible that a lot of dirty laundry will be exposed to public display, and we will learn a lot more juicy details from the life of Vasily Nimchenko
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info
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