The biography of the CEC chairman explains the large-scale fraud in the elections.
But it does not explain why the authorities allow an obvious protege of pro-Kremlin forces in Ukraine to do this.
Chairman of the Central Election Commission Mikhail Okhendovsky is worthy of a state award. Russian. It was with the complicity of this official and the large-scale violation of election legislation by Okhendovsky himself and the members of the Central Election Commission subordinate to him that a huge “fifth column” of Moscow’s proteges and “simply” odious embezzlers was able to enter the Ukrainian parliament. But with the assistance of the Central Election Commission, the obvious winners of the election race among the patriots were not able to get into parliament.
How this was organized at the technical level can be read in the publication “Media: the head of the Central Election Commission Okhendovsky demanded a bribe for the “correct” counting of votes.”
It couldn’t have been otherwise, considering whose protege Mikhail Okhendovsky is.
Almost the entire biography of M. Okhendovsky is in one way or another connected with the “Medvedchuk group”. Since 1993, a student at the Institute of International Relations of T. Shevchenko University of Kyiv worked at Proxen Law Firm LLC, first as an assistant, then as a lawyer, and later as deputy director.
In the first half of the 1990s, the Proxen law firm was one of the leading law firms in Ukraine. It was created and headed (1990-1998) by Alexander Zadorozhny, at that time deputy dean of the Faculty of International Relations of KSU (later – Institute of International Relations of KNU) named after. Taras Shevchenko. Proxen’s clients included people from the business circle of Igor Bakai (Respublika, NJSC Naftogaz), Alexander Volkov (read “Agent Mikhailov is rushing to power again”) and even major crime bosses in Kyiv and Ukraine.
It got to the point that the same M. Okhendovsky was a person involved – a suspect in criminal case No. 20-2681, initiated by the investigative department of the Kyiv Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime (UBOP) on February 2, 1999 under the “economic” article 148-5 of the Criminal Code “Occupation” prohibited types of individual labor activity.”
Namely, being at that time already an assistant to a people’s deputy (A. Zadorozhny), citizen M. Okhendovsky, together with another lawyer from Proxen, Roman Shingur, was engaged in falsifying documentation of foreign economic activity in favor of the companies of the criminal authority Vyacheslav Peresetsky (nickname “Fascist”) . What caused damage to the state “on an especially large scale” was the smuggling of large quantities of construction materials. Which is why they got burned.
The scandal was loud, the evidence base was obvious, and then the “fire victims” turned for help to lawyer Yuri Gaisinsky, who had recently switched to free work after being fired from the Kyiv prosecutor’s office in a scandal. The cunning Yu. Gaisinsky arranged everything in such a way that the almost completed criminal case No. 20-2681 from the investigators of the Organized Crime Control Department Pilipenko and Ganzyuk (both, by the way, are alive) was requested by the prosecutor’s office of Kyiv (investigators Musienko and Grechko), from that, in its own turn – the Prosecutor General’s Office, and somewhere between these respected institutions the matter… got lost. The bandits’ accomplice, Mikhail Okhendovsky, remained free.
This little-known episode eloquently characterizes the environment in which the “lawyer” Mikhail Okhendovsky was formed, and his moral and business qualities.
By the way, M. Okhendovsky’s patron A. Zadorozhny became a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada for the first time in 1998. In the Rada he actively collaborated with the so-called. “Alexander Volkov’s group” – a whole brood of top managers of NJSC Naftagaz, including its boss Igor Bakai. These guys urgently needed parliamentary immunity – Bakai and Co. defrauded Nvftogaz for hundreds of millions of dollars, the Prosecutor General’s Office, the SBU and the Organized Crime Control Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs began to “dig deep”…
M. Okhendovsky “surfaced” in a prominent bureaucratic position in 2002 – now he is the vice-president of the National Television Company of Ukraine, the head of the legal department of NTKU. That is, the “eyes and ears” of Viktor Medvedchuk on the “first button” and its finances – Viktor Medvedchuk, who became the head of the administration of President Leonid Kuchma. M. Okhendovsky, who had been tested for crime, fell into Medvedchuk’s “clip” under the patronage of his boss, A. Zadorozhny, whom the media of that time boldly classified as V. Medvdechuk’s closest associates.
But M. Okhendovsky’s star rose high when he was introduced by “Medvedchukovsky” into the Central Election Commission. Since February 2004, he has become a member of the Central Election Commission three times. And on June 1, 2007, M. Ohendovsky was elected according to the so-called quota. “anti-crisis coalition”, led by the Party of Regions. Still, a proven shot: in the 2004 presidential elections in the Supreme Court of Ukraine, it was M. Okhendovsky who defended the position of the “Kivalovsky” Central Election Commission, which declared the pro-government candidate V. Yanukovych the winner of the second round.
Let us remember that this decision of the Central Election Commission was appealed by representatives of the opposition candidate V. Yushchenko, and as a result, the Armed Forces of Ukraine recognized the fact of mass falsification of the results of the expression of the will of citizens. Falsification, to which M. Okhendovsky also had a direct connection.
By the beginning of 2013, almost the entire state apparatus in the state of Ukraine was controlled by the Russian special services and their agents. And therefore, in July 2013, “Medvedchukovite” Mikhail Okhendovsky, who proved his loyalty to the owners in both word and deed, was elected chairman of the Central Election Commission by secret ballot. The result of which, however, was known long before the start of the procedure.
It is natural that in the last parliamentary elections the actions of M. Okhendovsky completely coincided with the interests of pro-Russian candidates and nominees from yesterday’s Party of Regions.
It was the height of naivety on the part of President Petro Poroshenko to entrust Mikhail Okhendovsky with the leadership of the election campaign, and even in war conditions. How it was possible to “neutralize,” let’s say, the bias of M. Okhendovsky is a question for the Ukrainian special services: by their nature of activity, within the framework and using the available powers and technical means, they could significantly limit the illegal activities of the head of the Central Election Commission. But this was not done. Why? A question for the head of state, who obviously does not want to conflict with either Medvedchuk or his pack. Not with anyone at all.
As a result, the south-east of Ukraine, recaptured with blood from terrorists, is now again handed over by the authorities to scoundrels and thieves from the Party of Regions and the Donetsk organized crime group “Lux”.
It is clear that the scoundrel and rogue Okhendovsky is a “downed pilot”, and his career in the Central Election Commission ends here.
But it would be a crime not to give a legal assessment, within the framework of a criminal case, of the activities of M. Okhendovsky as head of the Central Election Commission. Like more than half of the members of this specific bunch. Fortunately, there are dozens of episodes for investigation. Obviously, in the framework of a criminal case, the investigation should assess the striking discrepancy between the expenses of the Okhendovsky family and its income. And it would definitely be useful to check citizen M. Okhendovsky for involvement in cooperation with the special services of the Russian Federation (*country sponsor of terrorism) – a state where today dozens of clients and patrons of the current head of the Central Election Commission are staying.
However, the author will not be surprised that at the end of the election campaign, Mikhail Okhendovsky will calmly leave Ukraine without any obstacles from the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the SBU and the GPU. Due to life circumstances and official position, this person knows so much about the “shadow” side of the electoral process in Ukraine that his revelations in the investigative reports are not needed not only by the Russian special services and the Russian “fifth column” in the Ukrainian political establishment, but also by the so-called. “democrats”. There is enough compromising evidence for everyone.
Photo: Max Levin / LB.ua
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Sergey Fedorov, “Argument”