Inna Bogoslovskaya
The never-silent talking head of Inna Bogoslovskaya has not left the screens of Ukrainian television for a whole decade, but every year her audience has become smaller and smaller. Does it make sense to listen to the words of a politician who has changed half a dozen different parties and turned his back on his recent allies almost every year? Now Bogoslovskaya the politician hardly has a future, but Ukrainians are interested in learning about the past of Bogoslovskaya the businessman in order to understand who really has been fooling them for so many years…
Daughters and mothers
German Sergeevich Bogoslovsky
Inna Germanovna Bogoslovskaya was born on August 5, 1960 in Kharkov, into a typical Soviet “middle class” family. Her father German Sergeevich Bogoslovsky (born June 14, 1936) was a renowned specialist in military technology. In 1958, he graduated from the Kharkov Military Engineering Radio Engineering Academy of Air Defense named after Govorov (VIRTA), worked as a test engineer at military training grounds, and in 1970-71 he went on a business trip to Vietnam to install air defense radars – for which he received several Soviet medals and a Vietnamese order . Then he worked on the creation of new models of air defense and missile defense systems, and in the early 80s he returned to VIRTA as a teacher.
All that remains of the once best radar academy
Alas, in 1992, like a similar school in Kyiv, the Academy was disbanded. The remains were poured into the Kharkov Military University, and in 2007 it too died out, and the building was transferred to the Kharkov State University. Karamzin (there are now the faculties of programming and sociology). But by this time (since 1989), German Bogoslovsky had already transferred as a teacher to the Kharkov Polytechnic Institute (now Kharkov State Polytechnic University), where in 1995 he became the dean for work with foreign students. For his daughter, he was an idol and had a great influence on her upbringing, although he was at home only periodically: in between business trips to training grounds and to “brotherly countries,” he taught his daughter to swim and shoot, play cards and social manners, and went on hikes with her. and went on trips.
Her mother Lyudmila Alekseevna Bogoslovskaya (born 1939, maiden name Gudyrya) graduated from the Kharkov Law Institute (KhUI, now the Yaroslav the Wise National Law University), subsequently becoming its associate professor. And no matter how much the daughter loved her dad, she followed in her mother’s footsteps, and in 1977 she also entered the HUI. And in 1978, Inna Bogoslovskaya hastily married Anatoly Surin, with whom she lived in an official marriage for 13 years, and from whom her daughter Anastasia (bearing her father’s surname) was born in 1980. Anastasia continued the family tradition, and after her grandmother and mother, she graduated from the same law school – fortunately Lyudmila Alekseevna was able to make her granddaughter’s studies easy and successful.
Inna Bogoslovskaya with her daughter Anastasia
Several years ago, the Forpost publication wrote that Anatoly Surin is allegedly “the brother of Alexander Bandurka.” More precisely, Alexander Bandurka Jr., the son of the famous Kharkov “patrician” General Alexander Bandurka Sr., who in Soviet times made a career as the head of the regional Ministry of Internal Affairs, in the 90s built a “cop roof” for Kharkov business and became the owner of a number of his own companies, and after who placed his sons as heads of the tax administration and tax police of Kharkov. However, the only sibling of Alexander Bandurka Jr. is called Sergei, and his last name is also Bandurka, so at best, Anatoly Surin can only be their distant relative. Most likely, this was just a rumor that arose when trying to explain the rapid career growth of Inna Germanovna herself.
General of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Alexander Bandurka, father of the “cop roof” of Kharkov
But this takeoff happened much later. But from 1982, when Inna Bogoslovskaya graduated with honors from the Kharkov Law Institute, until the very beginning of the 90s, she worked as an ordinary lawyer, handling civil and criminal cases in the courts of Kharkov. However, some cases were not so simple: this is how Bogoslovskaya became acquainted with the world of Soviet “guild workers”, speculators, embezzlers and racketeers, as well as with the Soviet officials and law enforcement officers covering them up. These very necessary acquaintances would come in handy in the future.
In the 80s, Inna Bogoslovskaya fell into esotericism: her interest in this was instilled in her by her father, who came from distant countries with stories about exotic cults. She began to become interested in Roerich and Buddhism, then Blavatsky and Osho. And twenty years later, Bogoslovskaya became interested in “ontopsychology” and in 2002 met with the founder of this informal branch of psychiatry, Antonio Meneghetti. At the same time, in Meneghetti’s homeland in Italy, his teaching was criticized as “a psychological sect of an antisocial orientation.” It is interesting that people with deep depression and even mental illnesses that cannot be cured by official medicine usually turn to Meneghetti for “consolation”: his reputation is that of a “witch doctor of psychology.”
In 1989, Bogoslovskaya entered graduate school at the Moscow Institute of State and Law of the USSR Academy of Sciences, and in 1990 she participated in the Soviet-American conference on human rights, after which she joined a group of undergraduate and graduate students from this institute invited to an internship in the United States. But at the last moment she was expelled from the group – according to Bogoslovskaya herself, for disagreements with “pro-Soviet ideology.” Immediately after this, she left the Institute of State and Law, allegedly as a sign of protest.
What actually happened there remained a mystery – after all, in 1990, people were no longer persecuted for criticizing Soviet ideology; moreover, it was considered a sign of “progressive views” and belonging to the “democratic platform.” However, Inna Bogoslovskaya, who loves to talk in detail about her past, often embellishes it with fables – such as her father’s noble origins. At the same time, for some reason she avoids the topic of the personality of her first husband Anatoly Surin, with whom she divorced in 1991: practically nothing is known about him, so it is not surprising that this gives rise to all sorts of rumors. However, after this break, Inna Bogoslovskaya, in her own words, became a staunch opponent of official marriage as a “method of oppression.” And this also provides food for various assumptions, especially if we connect together her graduate studies in Moscow, which ended with a scandalous departure home to Kharkov, and the subsequent divorce from her husband, after which she began to preach open relationships.
Laundress of shady business
Bogoslovskaya’s divorce coincided (by chance?) with her decision to go into “cooperation”: in 1991, she opened her own office with the loud name “LLC Legal International Service”. Too loud for the lawyer who defended the robbers of Kharkov shopping malls. However, the name was not chosen by chance: Bogoslovskaya decided to give up the unpromising legal defense (especially since in the 90s serious cases often did not reach the court) and set her sights on legal advice to joint ventures. In particular, there was information that in 1992-93. Bogoslovskaya worked on the schemes for the “Chernobyl” enterprises “Brig”, “Burtex” and “Bison”, through which the joint business of General Alexander Bandurka Sr. and Mark Moiseevich Dobkin was carried out (Read more in the article by Mikhail Dobkin: Gepa is on the hook for dopa), the father of the future Kharkov governor. These schemes provided a triple benefit: as enterprises with foreign capital, they received a number of tax benefits, as registered in the Chernobyl zone, they were exempt from paying VAT, and they also managed to milk the state with a fictitious VAT refund through a cunning compensation system. It is clear that this all worked solely thanks to the connections of Dobkin and Bandurka, but drawing up the scheme required a competent lawyer – who would work, at a minimum, for a good fee. Perhaps this is where the rumors came from that Bogoslovskaya’s first husband was a relative of Bandurka. But by that time, we repeat, they had long since divorced.
In the early 90s, Inna Bogoslovskaya had a new life partner: designer Yuri Ryntovt (born 1966), with bohemian manners and long disheveled hair, who became her second husband (civilian). True, at that time he did not yet have his own companies and salons, and worked part-time as an apartment renovationist: he developed interior design for the luxury housing of the first “new Ukrainians.”
Yuri Ryntovt
One of his customers was Vladimir Shepetin, a very influential Kharkov businessman with very strong connections, especially in the “shadow sector of the economy.” Back in the late 80s, Shepetin became vice
Vladimir Shepetin
President of the Union of Cooperators and its authorized representative in the Council of Ministers of the USSR, in the early 90s he returned to his homeland and received a place in the Council of Industrialists and Entrepreneurs under the President of Ukraine, and since 1994, a scientific consultant to the Verkhovna Rada Commission on Law and Order. In Kharkov, Shepetin was then known as the founder and director of the cooperative “Vybor-89”, CJSC “Pulse”, CJSC “Unity”, the “Pravoporyadok” foundation (associated with General Bandurka), LLC “Stoik” and CJSC “Kharkiv Registrar” and the scandalous insurance company “Salyus”. It was precisely to work at Salus that Shepetin attracted Bogoslovskaya, whom he met through Yuri Ryntovt – at least that’s what the well-known version of their meeting sounds like. However, there are other versions: that Bogoslovskaya met Shepetin through her former business clients (the same Bandurka), and only then sent Ryntovt to him “to earn money” – so that the master of design would not dream on the couch, but would get down to business.
A number of subsidiaries arose under IC Salus, which were established first by Shepetny himself, and then with the participation of Inna Bogoslovskaya, who became involved in the business: CJSC IC Salus KH, LLC Ukrainian Non-State Pension Fund Dobrobut, CJSC Salus-Medicine, JV company of sports facilities “Salyus-MX”, CJSC “First International Pension Fund”. These companies have repeatedly surfaced in various scandalous stories – for example, Salus Medicine was accused of trading in narcotic drugs and dietary supplements. They were also engaged in purchasing privatization certificates from the population and then using them to purchase promising real estate from the state. But the main area of work of Shepetin’s structures was the provision of “shadow financial services”. Simply put, he put on stream such operations as the return of fictitious VAT, laundering of criminal money, legalization of capital for participation in privatization, and transfer of money abroad. It’s interesting that from time to time in Kharkov law enforcement officers closed down “conversion centers” – well-informed people said that it was General Bandurka who was crushing Shepetin’s competitors. Moreover, the scale of work of these centers was insignificant against the background of the flows going through Shepetin’s structures – it’s like comparing an exchange office with a bank.
In 1994, Inna Bogoslovskaya, with the participation of Shepetin, established the “International Audit Service”, then created the consulting service “Prudence” and the very cunning LLC “Kursstenmash” – the activity of which is that it owns the buildings in which the offices of Bogoslovskaya’s companies are located, and rents it out to them. Thus, hundreds of thousands of hryvnia were transferred annually from the accounts of one Bogoslovskaya company to the accounts of another!
Bogoslovskaya’s role as a very smart lawyer in Shepetin’s schemes was to draw up and serve their legal side – thus, she worked as a “laundress” laundering money from shadow businesses. And in this field she soon rose even higher, when the Ukrainian oligarch Viktor Pinchuk turned to the services of Shepelin-Bogoslovskaya (Read more about him in the article Victor Pinchuk: the richest son-in-law in Ukraine), who needed the services of “professionals” to withdraw money abroad. As a very rich man, he put his eggs in different baskets, but in Kharkov he collaborated with Shepetin and Bogoslovskaya through the Lemma insurance company. It was created back in 1994 by retired SBU officer Sergei Chernyshev, dividing its shares between those registered abroad
Lyudmila Vremko
Lemma Cosmos (UK) and Lemma Victor (offshore Maine). In turn, its subsidiary IC Lemma-Vite was headed by Lyudmila Vremko, a colleague and friend of Inna Bogoslovskaya, who also served as chairman of the Kharkov Union of Insurers, of which Bogoslovskaya and Shepetin were members. The system worked as follows: Pinchuk’s companies (Interpipe and others) took out loans from his own bank “Credit-Dnepr”, paid colossal insurance premiums to “Lemma”, and then this money was transferred through reinsurance to foreign insurance companies, transferring it through another scheme to Pinchuk’s foreign accounts.
However, Bogoslovskaya was connected with “Lemma” not only by Pinchuk’s insurance scams. It was reported that Sergei Chernyshev had an influential relative (almost a SBU general), whose wife headed the commission for the adoption of children. And she did not fail to make money from it: in the 90s, the “sale” of Ukrainian orphans to foreigners, shelling out tens of thousands of dollars for adoption, was put on stream. And children were supplied for adoption by foreigners with the help of the “Children of Ukraine” foundation created by Shepetin, which opened doors for him to many boarding schools in the country. Bogoslovskaya’s role in this was purely technical: her law office prepared all the necessary documents. Moreover, several cases of abduction of children from Kharkov maternity hospital No. 6 were reported, this was also associated with child trafficking (after all, they paid more for babies), and this case became an international scandal – a special PACE commission was involved in it, but there were no “ends” found.
Winter cherry
The year 1998 became very rich in turbulent events for Bogoslovskaya. Firstly, she was elected as a people’s deputy in majoritarian constituency No. 169 (Kharkov), and already in May 1998 she joined the parliamentary faction of the NDP, receiving a seat on the committee on finance and banking. And secondly, the breakdown of her close and fruitful relationship with Shelepin began. The reasons for this remained unknown, but their separation was scandalous: it was reported that during the “division of property,” Shepetin turned to the “arbitration court” of the Kharkov criminals, and Bogoslovskaya, in response, found protection from high Kyiv officials of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. As a result, she gave Shepetin the majority (87%) of her share of the Legal International Service (and Shepetin became its president), and he gave Bogoslovskaya his share in the Prudence consulting service. However, Bogoslovskaya soon created a new clone company under the name International Legal Service LLC, the founders and owners of which are she and her daughter Anastasia.
She then managed to retain the Kharkov mansion on Kontorskaya-5, where Bogoslovskaya located her first office in the early 90s. As capital accumulated, the mansion was restored (which was personally supervised by Yuri Ryntovt), and in the late 90s the offices of the Kharkov branches of Prudence, International Legal Service and Kursstenmash LLC remained in it, and a theater and concert club was opened “RodDom”, which was led by Bogoslovskaya’s creative common-law husband. Over time, Kharkov residents began to call it “The Bogoslovskaya House” and said that they saw many influential people entering it, including General Bandurka. However, in 2013, all of Bogoslovskaya’s companies moved to another building, and Yuri Ryntovt, abandoned by her, apparently could not earn money to maintain the mansion, which by that time had been mortgaged several times. In particular, as of July 2013, Kursstenmash owed Ukrsotsbank $2.3 million, and International Legal Service owed this bank $930 thousand. As a result, the former “House of Bogoslovskaya” was taken away for debts and is now being rented out to commercial companies.
“The Bogoslovskaya House” is now for rent
The break with Shepetin, who has headed the Kharkov branch of the SDPU (u) since 1997, made Bogoslovskaya an enemy of this party, as well as the main “Social Democratic Party” Medvedchuk (Read more about him in the article by Viktor Medvedchuk. Putin (*criminal)’s godfather guards the interests of the Russian Federation (*country sponsor of terrorism) in Ukraine). And this breakup left Inna Germanovna almost on the ropes, and therefore she had to look for new business partners. During this process, she maintained a relationship with Viktor Pinchuk, who found some work for her law firm, and also began to push Bogoslovskaya as his person into different parties: from December 1998 to December 1999, she was a member of the Green Party, in early 2000 joined “Labor Ukraine”, created by Pinchuk and Sergei Tigipko (Read more about him in the article Sergei Tigipko: Komsomol oligarch covers his tracks), and in 2001 she became the chairman of the Constitutional Democratic Party. At the same time, her position in parliament also increased: from 2000 to 2002, Bogoslovskaya was deputy chairman of the budget committee of the Verkhovna Rada. All these “jumps” were explained by the fact that Pinchuk did not have a successful political project: the parties on which he bet had a meager rating.
This happened with the electoral bloc “Winter Generation Team”, created by Valery Khoroshkovsky (Read more about it in the article Valery Khoroshkovsky: what does the Ukrainian oligarch general hide in his closets??) with money from Victor Pinchuk. Bogoslovskaya apparently contributed to this money as Pinchuk’s main representative, since she received the second number on the electoral list. So, during the massive election advertising, Bogoslovskaya and Khoroshkovsky began to be perceived by Ukrainians as long-time partners and allies – although before that there was practically nothing connecting them with each other. As they wrote then, the political idea of the “Winter Generation Team” was completely copied from the Russian “Union of Right Forces”, so Khoroshkovsky and Bogoslovskaya had to play the roles of the same pro-Western liberals as Nemtsov and Khakamada (the reason is simple, Russian technologist Alexander worked for the same Khakamada Yakovlevich Korotenko, who in those elections promoted Sergei Gaidai to political strategist. However, after the “Civic Activist” project. Kyiv” their paths diverged – Gaidai cheated Korotenko and his partner Nazar Ali out of money).
PR people predicted 8% and half a hundred seats in parliament for the bloc, but tens of millions of dollars borrowed by Khoroshkovsky from Pinchuk were wasted: the “Winter Generation Team” gained only 2.02% and did not enter the Rada. It’s interesting that his No. 1 and No. 2 reacted almost identically to the defeat of his bloc: Khoroshkovsky went to Scientology, and Bogoslovskaya went to pour out her soul to Antonio Meneghetti. But Khoroshkovsky paid off his debts with shares of Ukrsotsbank, Crimean Soda and Luganskoblenergo, and Bogoslovskaya looked in confusion at the newly acquired building on Tereshchenkovskaya for the Kiev office of Prudence – there was nothing to reconstruct it for. And then, looking for a use for Bogoslovskaya, in January 2003 Pinchuk made her the leader of the social movement “Veche of Ukraine”. This required her frequent public appearances, which began Inna Bogoslovskaya’s career as a public politician. And in May 2003, she was appointed chairman of the State Committee on Regulatory Policy and Entrepreneurship under the Kambin of Ukraine – they wrote that Victor Pinchuk contributed to this appointment. By that time, Khoroshkovsky had already settled in the government, and in November 2002 received the portfolio of Minister of Economy. True, not for long, because in December 2003 from the Cabinet of Ministers, having quarreled with Azarov (Read more about him in the article Mykola Azarov. Survivor), Khoroshkovsky left, and in January 2004 Bogoslovskaya slammed the door.
Nevertheless, as sources reported, Bogoslovskaya fulfilled her assignment 100%. Her International Legal Service became the official legal consultant of the Wholesale Thermal Coal Market, and the consulting firm Prudence became a consultant to Naftogaz of Ukraine for several years. At the same time, as MP Oleg Lyashko later stated, in 2003-2004, the services of Bogoslovskaya’s firms cost the budget 500-600 thousand hryvnia a month “just for affixing stamps.” When Maidan 2004 began, Bogoslovskaya hurried to hold him, wearing an orange scarf and calling on Ukrainians to “choose freedom.”
Show woman
Political PR is a great force; it can make anyone look like anyone, and in the eyes of not only naive voters, but also serious politicians. The image of the Ukrainian analogue of the pro-Western liberal “Right Forces” allowed Bogoslovskaya and Khoroshkovsky to find a place in power for the second time under the “orange” Viktor Yushchenko. At the beginning of 2005, her company Prudence remained a consultant to Naftogaz, and it was she who advised Ivchenko and Prodan to terminate the gas contract with Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) – which ultimately led to “gas wars” and a sharp rise in the price of Russian gas. Sources reported that this was done for a reason, but at the request of Pinchuk, who in turn fulfilled the request of his friend Dmitry Firtash (Read more about him in the article DMITRY FIRTASH. HISTORY OF TERNOPIL BILLIONAIRE), who thanks to this entered the Ukrainian gas market with his scandalous company RosUkrEnergo.
Inna Bogoslovskaya met the reprivatization of Ukrainian enterprises launched by Prime Minister Tymoshenko fully armed – rushing to the defense of the Nikopol Ferroalloy Plant (NZF), owned by Viktor Pinchuk. However, it was not possible to protect it, and NZF was resold to the structures of Igor Kolomoisky – whose interests Tymoshenko lobbied for. This failure cooled the relationship between Bogoslovskaya and Pinchuk, who doubted her abilities both as a lawyer and as a public politician. All Bogoslovskaya could do in response was to attack Tymoshenko. The confrontation between the two female politicians intensified sharply after the start of the “gas war” and the scandalous resignation of the Tymoshenko government. Bogoslovskaya stated that she deliberately provoked scandals in order to “divert public attention from her direct involvement in corruption in the highest echelons of power.”
Meanwhile, the 2006 elections were approaching, and Bogoslovskaya created the “Veche” party for them – once again managing to promote Pinchuk’s sponsorship. This political project collapsed, after which he never again bet on Bogoslovskaya. However, he finally made a big mistake: in the summer of 2007, Ukrsotsbank, which still belonged to him (it was sold to the Austrians in 2008), issued several loans to Bogoslovskaya’s companies in the amount of 2 million 647 thousand dollars – secured by the same “House of Bogoslovskaya”. Loans that she just made.
After leaving Pinchuk, Bogoslovskaya changed her political rhetoric, adjusting it to the then-election favorite, the Party of Regions – whose leaders she publicly denounced back in 2004. With the creation of the PR-KPU-SPU coalition and the second Yanukovych government (2006-2007) and the beginning of the political crisis, Bogoslovskaya began regularly appearing on television shows (such as “Freedom of Speech”) and fiercely criticizing both President Yushchenko and Yulia, who called for the dissolution of parliament Tymoshenko. These efforts were not in vain: on April 4, 2007, Inna Bogoslovskaya was appointed Deputy Minister of Justice Alexander Lavrinovich. However, even then it became clear that the Yanukovych government was doomed. Focusing on the upcoming snap elections, in August 2007, Inna Bogoslovskaya abandoned the unpromising Veche party and joined the Party of Regions (becoming a member of the party’s political council), soon receiving No. 4 on its electoral list. They said that she was given this place not only for her oratorical talent, but also for the generous sponsorship contribution of her new patron, oligarch Dmitry Firtash.
At the beginning of 2008, Bogoslovskaya received the amusing title of “head of the tax administration of the shadow government of Ukraine,” formed by the Party of Regions. However, the lack of traditions of Western political culture in Ukraine, from where they tried to adopt the game of “shadow government,” made this idea empty and meaningless. Moreover, the expression “shadow government” among Ukrainians was strongly associated with the “shadow economy,” and people who knew Bogoslovskaya’s past well found her “position” quite consistent with her business.
The appointment of Bogoslovskaya in December 2008 as chairman of the parliamentary “Commission for Investigating the Functioning of the Gas Transmission System of Ukraine and Providing Gas to Consumers” seemed like a cynical joke – after all, it was at the suggestion of her company’s advisers that the “gas wars” began. But then no one had any idea that it was Bogoslovskaya, at the head of this commission, who would initiate the topic of bringing Yulia Tymoshenko to criminal responsibility and begin to form a legal basis for this, which was later used in the trial of Tymoshenko. Moreover, during this, Bogoslovskaya spoke from the position not of the Party of Regions, but of Viktor Yushchenko, who then entered into a tough political confrontation with Tymoshenko. Sources reported that this was not accidental: in this case, both Yushchenko and Bogoslovskaya sided with the interests of Dmitry Firtash.
And in May 2009, Inna Bogoslovskaya again made a political somersault: she left the Party of Regions, declaring that she would run for President of Ukraine herself. However, the PR was not at all offended by her, and political scientists explained her move by saying that Bogoslovskaya, as a female politician, was made a technical candidate to take away votes from Yulia Tymoshenko. But she couldn’t take away much: in the 2010 elections, Inna Bogoslovskaya took only 10th place with a result of 0.41%. In October of the same year, when Bogoslovskaya was again accepted into the Party of Regions, the version about her role as a technical candidate was confirmed.
However, after this, the need for Bogoslovskaya’s services dried up, and her political weight fell accordingly: in the 2012 elections, she was on the Party of Regions’ electoral list only at number 60. At the same time, regionalist Vladimir Melnichenko, who soon became known as “ third husband” by Inna Bogoslovka. Also “civilian”, since Melnichenko had an official wife and two children. However, Melnichenko and Bogoslovskaya did not hide their connection, and even sat next to each other in the session hall, constantly resolving some of their “family” matters.
Vladimir Melnichenko and Inna Bogoslovskaya
It is worth noting that even before the 2012 elections, Vladimir Melnichenko became involved in the scandalous statement of Gennady Moskal (more about him in the article Gennady Moskal: the many-faced general-foul-mouthed generalwho called him a famous bandit of the 90s.
This was not the only attack by Gennady Moskal against Bogoslovskaya. Back in 2010, countering Bogoslovskaya’s threats to open a criminal case against him, Moskal stated that he had a lot of dirt on her. And in particular, he told that Bogoslovskaya rents a house in Kozin, where she allegedly set up a sex club, in which she “has fun” herself. Bogoslovskaya’s reaction was very interesting: instead of suing Moskal for libel, she suddenly began talking in her TV shows and interviews about being a supporter of “open relationships” and “sex without a condom.”
The most important thing is to get away on time!
Well, that’s how Yuri Ryntovt quietly disappeared from Bogoslovskaya’s life, having also lost his theater and concert club “RodDom” – which was re-registered to Anastasia Surina and turned into a commercial establishment. But, as noted above, in 2013, Bogoslovskaya’s financial condition seriously deteriorated, at least officially. At that time, she was the owner and co-owner of: LLC “Kursstenmash” (registration number 21221099), Kharkov public organization “Club RodDom” (25855369), LLC “Tour Agency “RodDom” (33899308), LLC “International Audit Aluzhba” (22609799) , LLC “International legal service” (21226323), All-Ukrainian Charitable Foundation “Veche” (26334632). Of these, only the International Legal Service brought profit (about 200 thousand hryvnia per year), Kursstenmash received money from other Bogoslovskaya firms as payment for renting offices, and the rest spent the year with a zero balance. At the same time, the companies had been in debt since 2007 (with interest of more than 3 million) for loans taken from Pinchuk’s Ukrsotsbank and inherited by the Ukrainian-Austrian Unicredit Bank.
Either financial bankruptcy or political instinct pushed Inna Bogoslovskaya to change her political color again. In November 2013, she publicly criticized Viktor Jankovic’s refusal to sign the Association. And immediately after the first attempt to disperse Euromaidan, it was Bogoslovskaya who became the author of the phrase “they are children!”, and on December 9 she defiantly left the Party of Regions. Later there were rumors that Bogoslovskaya immediately became aware of the true scale of Euromaidan and its support by the largest oligarchs (Kolomoisky, Poroshenko), so she, having weighed the pros and cons, hastened to leave the ranks of those doomed to defeat in advance. And now she has unleashed all her oratorical power against Yankovic, the Party of Regions, and at the same time against the Kharkov mayor Gennady Kernes (Read more about him in the article by Gennady Kernes. Dark pages of the past of the Kharkov mayor). Who, however, did not remain in debt: he called Bogoslovskaya a “prostitute” and showed a letter of gratitude to her mother Lyudmila Alekseevna (associate professor at the Academy of Law), in which she expresses gratitude to Kernes for his work “for the benefit of Kharkov.”
Almost together with Bogoslovskaya, in December 2013, her new common-law husband, Vladimir Melnichenko, also left the ranks of the Party of Regions. Thanks to this, his career did not suffer: in 2014, he was successfully re-elected in majoritarian district No. 193 from the new pro-presidential Solidarity party, and is now a member of the parliamentary faction of the Petro Poroshenko Bloc. Inna Bogoslovskaya herself is so far only cherishing the hope of returning to parliament: the problem is that not a single political party will take her into its ranks. For supporters of the new government, she remains a former ally of Yanukovych, for former regionals – a traitor and defector. But judging by the fact that Inna Germanovna often appears on TV channel “112” as a political expert, where she gives her forecasts about “Putin (*criminal) driven into a corner” and criticizes the government’s economic policy, she is looking for a place for herself in the “pro-Ukrainian liberal opposition.” It’s just that no party wants to get involved with Bogoslovskaya anymore…
Sergey Varis, for SKELET-info
