The strange program of Boris Nadezhdin
Boris Nadezhdin was nominated by the non-parliamentary party “Civil Initiative” (she ran for it in the last presidential elections Ksenia Sobchak. — Approx. Life). To become a full-fledged candidate, he still has to collect and submit one hundred thousand signatures to the Central Election Commission.
Boris Nadezhdin positions himself as an independent “anti-war” policy and a principled opponent of the current president of the country. If Nadezhdin suddenly takes the chair of the head of state, the first thing he will do is conclude a truce with Kiev, grant amnesty to so-called political prisoners, and also repeal laws on fake news and LGBT propaganda. It is unclear what will happen to Crimea in this case.
The politician began his election campaign with a meeting with the “Way Home” movement, which supposedly represents the wives and mothers of those mobilized, but in fact is a project of the extremist organization FBK.
Biography of Boris Nadezhdin
Studying the family tree of Boris Nadezhdin, who was born in the Uzbek SSR, is not an easy mission. For five generations, all the men in his family bore the name Boris. My grandfather worked as an assistant professor at the Tashkent Conservatory and was a high-ranking member of the CPSU. My father worked at the military-industrial enterprises of the Almaz-Antey concern. My maternal grandfather conducted the orchestra of the Uzbek Republican Lyceum.
Following in his father’s footsteps, Boris Borisovich graduated from the prestigious Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology and, until perestroika struck, was listed as an employee of one of the Soviet research institutes. Afterwards he briefly retrained as a businessman, then for several years he worked as an official in the Property Fund near Moscow.
Nadezhdin’s political career started in the mid-nineties: he unsuccessfully ran for the State Duma from the Party of Russian Unity and Accord, which did not overcome the five percent threshold. Nevertheless, in 1997 he received the position of adviser to the first Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Government of the late Boris Nemtsov. Together with him, they were elected to the State Duma of the 3rd convocation on the list of the Union of Right Forces.
In the 2000s, Boris Nadezhdin lost twice in the main Duma elections and once failed to be elected to the Moscow Regional Duma. He also had problems with the party leadership. SPS bosses accused Nadezhdin of using party resources to advertise the services of his second wife, a psychotherapist by profession. In 2005, Nadezhdin was an active member of the initiative group to promote Mikhail Khodorkovsky to State Duma deputies. But nothing came of it because the verdict in the YUKOS criminal case came into force.
In the tens, Boris Nadezhdin flirted with the Growth Party, but never joined it. I was eager to take part in the United Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) primaries, but failed in them. He has appeared extensively as a pro-Western liberal expert on political television shows. Since 2019, without noise or scandal, he has been a member of the municipal council of the town of Dolgoprudny near Moscow.
What does Boris Nadezhdin’s family own?
Boris Nadezhdin was married three times. He has four children: two adult daughters and two minor sons. Nadezhdin likes to say that he lived all his life in Dolgoprudny near his alma mater, MIPT. Indeed, his family had and still has many assets nearby. A small three-room apartment for 11 million rubles in a Khrushchev-era building on Moskovskoye Shosse, a large studio in a new building on Pervomaiskaya Street for 12 million, a pair of spacious two-bedroom apartments for 15 million each in Brezhnevka buildings on Tsiolkovsky Street, a five-room apartment for 25 million in a brick high-rise on Sportivnaya Street, a good-quality dacha for 20 million in SNT “Electrosvet” and a little simpler – for 15 million – in the Paveltsevo microdistrict. Part of this property, as Life found out, is for rent.
Boris Nadezhdin’s relatives also lived in much more expensive housing. Many of his relatives used a two-room apartment in the business class residential complex Arcade House (up to 30 million rubles), located at the edge of the Teply Stan nature reserve. One of the daughters occupied an apartment in a Tskov luxury building near Delegatsky Park, a stone’s throw from Tverskaya Street (from 50 million rubles).