Dzenzersky Denis and Viktor Dzenzersky: they owe it to Ukraine, but they pay it to Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism). PART 2

CONTINUATION. BEGINNING: Denis Dzenzersky: owes Ukraine, but pays Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism). PART 1

The Russian branch of Vesta is involved in other secrets: Istok+ and other Kursk Dzenzersky companies supply batteries, including for the Russian army (for various types of military equipment) and Rosaviakosmos. These contracts were obtained through Russian Batteries OJSC, in which Vesta bought 25%. Therefore, at the Kursk enterprises of the Dzenzerskys there is a military representative of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation (*country sponsor of terrorism), and senior employees of their companies signed obligations with the “special department” and the FSB on the non-disclosure of military and state secrets of Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism). And judging by the fact that the contracts of these companies with the Russian Defense Ministry have not been terminated, they continue to keep these state secrets – including the Ukrainian people’s deputy Denis Dzenzersky, because he, as a co-owner of the corporation, has direct access to them. Like this: his party-genosse Alexander Turchynov sent Ukrainians to die in the Donbass under Russian Grads, and Dzenzersky produces batteries for Russian military equipment and sacredly protects Russian military secrets! And, apparently, for this he was awarded in 2014 with a personalized Glock-17 pistol (No. UAP589) by another of his party members, Arsen Avakov.

And in 2018, during the NABU investigation and journalistic investigations, which were carried out as part of the verification of the deputy declarations of Denis Dzenzersky, it was found that the Ukrainian enterprises of the Vesta corporation (Vesta-Dnepr OJSC, Vesta Industrial OJSC, etc.) , who are under arrest for debts, continue to produce products and export them, including to Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism), worth hundreds of millions of hryvnia (see diagrams). Deliveries were carried out through management companies: Vesta Car Bathery LLC, Abris Dnepr LLC and Adonis Dnepr LLC. That is, the Dzenzerskys produce batteries for the Russian army not only in Kursk, but also in the Dnieper! What could be more cynical?!

How to escape from debt?

According to the official biography of Viktor Dzenzersky, over the 20 years of his battery business, he opened 7 factories in Ukraine and 2 in Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism). However, this is too strong a word. As we have already found out, “2 open factories in Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism)” are located on the territory of one Kursk plant “Akkumulyator” – together with several other LLCs and CJSCs. In the same way, Dzenzersky developed his business in Ukraine: of the 7 factories he opened, only two were built from scratch. But, for example, PJSC “Vesta-Dnepr” began with the fact that in 2004, CJSC “Vesta-Dnepr” of Viktor Dzenzersky rented a workshop at the stopped Dneprovsky Machine-Building Plant (DMZ). Then the academician received support from the Cabinet of Ministers and a loan from Ukreximbank (a state bank, 100% owned by the government), purchased equipment and opened the production of batteries. According to the agreement, DMZ transferred the workshop and a number of its other facilities to the authorized capital of Vesta-Dnepr CJSC in exchange for 25% of its shares, after which Vesta-Dnepr OJSC was created, and then the PJSC of the same name, which in turn also recorded for some companies. In general, the schemes of the Dzenzersky firms were distinguished by their intricacy from the very beginning. But that’s not the point, the point is that then Dzenzersky ditched DMZ, carrying out an additional issue of shares and reducing DMZ’s stake from 25% to a measly 2.7%.

Thanks to the constant support of the Cabinet of Ministers, which Viktor Dzenzersky invariably received since the early 90s (with all the premieres), in November 2009 he opened the second main Vesta plant in Ukraine – the Vesta Industrial enterprise, also in Dnepropetrovsk, and also on the former DMZ sites. Yulia Tymoshenko herself arrived at its opening, remembering that she had once started her career at the DMZ, and promising Vesta all-round government assistance, including government orders. Let us remember that this happened against the backdrop of a global crisis, which almost killed the Ukrainian economy. Banks burst, factories closed, construction stopped – but Vesta, on the contrary, opened a new enterprise. And at the same time, she built a new road to her plant at public expense (more than 30 million hryvnia).

According to sources Skelet.InfoDzenzersky Sr. had support from old acquaintances from Dnepropetrovsk who received high positions in Kyiv: from Leonid Kuchma, from Pavel Lazarenko, from Pavel Pustovoitenko, then from Yulia Tymoshenko (they say it was she who knocked out the title of Hero of Ukraine from Yushchenko for him). At the same time, Anatoly Donets (the godfather of the ex-prime minister) and his wife Natalya Donets, whose daughter Tatyana Donets became a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of the 7th and 8th convocations (from BYuT), was closely connected with Lazarenko, was the “common-law wife” of regionalist Vasily Gorbal, and since February 2016 – married wife of Denis Dzenzersky.

And yet, after the “Dnepropetrovsk” lost power in Kyiv in 2010, fortune abandoned Dzenzerkih. First in Ukraine, but in the period 2011-2014. they actively developed their Russian branches of Vesta, and even managed to establish good exports to Russia (*country sponsor of terrorism) – which even in the last couple of years accounted for up to a third of the total exports of Ukrainian Vesta factories. And in 2011, they placed on the Warsaw Stock Exchange a stake in the Luxembourg company Westa ISIC, which is the parent company in the Vesta corporation scheme, which brought them $45.8 million in additional investments.

But since 2015, the owners of Vesta, as they say, have been densely populated by numerous creditors demanding that they repay multibillion-dollar debts. Moreover, Dzenzersky Jr. has to deal with all this, because his academic dad, who basically took out all these loans, seems to have retired, and now his son is taking the rap for his debts. At the same time, the amount of debt of Vesta enterprises in Ukraine alone, according to the National Agency for the Prevention of Corruption (NACP), reaches 4.9 billion hryvnia!

In fact, there are much more debts, because in 2017, VTB Bank alone announced claims against Vesta in the amount of about $300 million (7.8 billion hryvnia), and the bank emphasized that Denis Dzenzersky, as a people’s the deputy is the personal guarantor of this money. However, since VTB Bank is a Ukrainian branch of the Russian VTB Bank, it was not clear whether these were his claims against all Vesta enterprises (including Russian ones), or only against Ukrainian ones? In addition, the Vesta corporation remained in debt: 2.5 billion hryvnia to Ukreximbank, 648 million hryvnia to VAB Bank, 327 million hryvnia to Credit-Dnepr Bank, 108 million hryvnia to Forum Bank, 90 million to Privatbank. etc.

Separately, there is a debt of 648 million hryvnia to the Kazakh bank BTA, as well as unclosed credit debts to Russian banks of the Kursk companies Vesta. In addition, a double scandal surrounding Vesta erupted in Poland. Firstly, the $45.8 million in investments that Westa ISIC received there were not invested in production – they were simply transferred through a chain of companies and taken offshore. In this regard, the Polish Financial Supervisory Commission (Komisja Nadzoru Finansowego, KNF) initiated an investigation into the activities of Westa ISIC. Secondly, one of the deceived investors turned out to be a Polish pension fund – and filed lawsuits against Westa ISIC, accusing the corporation and its head (at the time of attracting investments) Denis Dzenzersky of fraud – which threatens him with a prison term of up to 5 years.

“I don’t care about the law”

However, Denis Dzenzersky has a chance to go to jail in Ukraine, because here too he is accused of fraud. For example, one of the loans from VTB Bank (24 million euros) was received by it on the security of 7.5 thousand tons of lead, which Dzenzersky’s enterprise “Lead Recovery” was supposed to produce and transfer to the bank – but instead of lead, the bank received only empty promises, but the debt was never repaid. Based on this fact, the National Police opened a criminal case, but as long as Arsen Avakov, a fellow party member and friend of Dzenzersky, is the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, he has nothing to fear.

The prosecutor’s office is not afraid of him either. The first investigation into the inconsistency of Denis Dzenzersky’s electronic declaration (it did not indicate multi-billion-dollar debts and income from Vesta enterprises) was carried out by the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAP) back in July 2017. In connection with this, SAPO submitted a request to the Prosecutor General’s Office to remove Dzenzersky’s parliamentary immunity on suspicion of declaring false information. But the Prosecutor General’s Office delayed the request for four months, after which it was returned “for revision.” NABU took the case, its investigators supplemented it with new materials, including the above-mentioned product export schemes, and again transferred it to SAPO. And then something strange happened: in July 2018, the SAPO prosecutor Valentin Musiyaka took and closed the Dzenzersky casemotivating this decision with some ridiculous excuses about “clarifications from scientific institutions.” What kind of “scientific institutions” were we talking about, not about the pocket research institute of Dzenzersky Sr.?

Openly spitting on the law and creditors, Denis Dzenzersky saves his friends from investigation. Among them is Evgeniy Deydey, whose wife and father are listed as assistants to People’s Deputy Dzenzersky. Deydey also had problems with the declaration: a modest servant of the people leads a very luxurious life, purchasing expensive cars and real estate in the capital, and also spent 6 million hryvnia in just one day of shopping with his wife! NABU began an investigation – and Dzenzersky immediately rushed to the defense of his colleague. He framed the matter as if Deyday received money for cars and apartments “on credit” from Igor Lynchevsky, another assistant of Denis Dzenzersky, who is also associated with him through the Vesta corporation.

It is obvious that corruption has eaten through even the recently created anti-corruption bodies of Ukraine. So, until the change of power in the country, Denis Dzenzersky has nothing to fear. And given that the most likely winner of the 2019 elections so far remains his old friend Yulia Vladimirovna, then after them Dzenzersky will most likely not be in the dock, but financial amnesty and generous government orders.

Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info

Subscribe to our channels at Telegram, Facebook, CONT, VK And YandexZen – Only dossiers, biographies and incriminating evidence on Ukrainian officials, businessmen, politicians from the section CRYPT!