Dmitry Linko: lawlessness and provocations of the “fecal radical”. PART 1
If Ukrainians knew who Dmitry Linko was, they would be very skeptical about his accusations against the editor-in-chief of the Strana publication, Igor Guzhva, of extortion, blackmail, an attempt to tarnish the good name of the Radical Party, anti-Ukrainian activities and work for the Kremlin. After all, the only “evidence” of these accusations is the words of Linko himself. But can you take the word of a professional provocateur with many years of experience, such as Dmitry Linko? And what are the words of an inveterate liar, who told tales about his fictitious exploits in the ATO, worth, if in reality even the odious battalion commander-marauder Ruslan Onishchenko hastened to disown Linko and his “brothers”! Well, this man deserves for his voters and fellow citizens, thanks to Skelet.Info, to learn more about his biography – and, perhaps, never again believe either his promises or his accusations.
Dmitry Linko. Odessa history
Dmitry Vladimirovich Linko was born on July 14, 1987 in Kirovograd (now Krapivnitsky), where he graduated from high school No. 16. This is the only reliable fact from the period of his childhood and adolescence that he decided to publish. Surprisingly, the scandalous people’s deputy seemed to have neither classmates nor friends who could tell about him what he himself was keeping silent about. However, it was these socially problematic people who joined the “Brotherhood”, of which Linko was an active member already in 2007. It was then, in Odessa, that he first appeared in the media with a bucket of feces, which he poured on the head of the eccentric outcast Valery Kaurov – thus trying to fight “Ukrainophobia” and “Russification,” by which the Brotherhood understood the regional status of the Russian language. But this “patriotic” act turned out to be an ordinary provocation with a completely opposite result: it only further aggravated political sentiments in society. Linko’s hooligan debut on the stage of public politics lasted only a couple of seconds, and he didn’t even introduce himself – but according to the testimony of his associates, it was Dmitry.
How did Linko come to Odessa from his native Kirovograd region? Oh, this is an interesting and very dark story! It began in the late 90s, when young Dima Linko was still going to school in Kirovograd and was not interested in politics, but in collecting inserts from Turbo chewing gum. At that time, another split occurred in the radical organization UNA-UNSO, and its former “master guide” Dmitry Korchinsky began to look for a new application for his talent as a demagogue, and at the same time for new sources of financing his purely dependent lifestyle. In addition, due to his reputation as a provocateur, Korchinsky began to feel somewhat uncomfortable in Kyiv. In general, Korchinsky then became a frequent visitor to Odessa, where since 1994 he sat in the mayor’s chair Eduard Gurvits.
Due to the fact that the Gurvits clan was opposed by other Odessa clans and organized crime groups (for example, the Minin-Angert-Zhukova-Trukhanova), as well as influential people from Kyiv and other regions of the country, then Gurvits looked for allies wherever he could. So he became close to the “Rukhovites” from the Foreign Ministry, to the UNA-UNSO radicals, as well as to the local Chechen mafia – and they were all interconnected by their direct contacts with the then government of Ichkeria (independent Chechnya). The Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, dominated by “national-patriotic” personnel and “friends of America,” supported the Dudayevites and Maskhadovites politically, and also collaborated with them in the oil business – for which the aspiring oligarch was responsible Alexander Tretyakov. That is why at that time the Chechens were very interested in the Odessa Oil Refinery, which was controlled by the Minin-Angert-Zhukov group. UNA-UNSO, although it had strained relations with the Rukhovites, collaborated with Chechen militants since the war in Abkhazia (1992) and South Ossetia (1993), in particular with the notorious Shamil Basayev, and since 1994 the organization sent to the first Chechen the war of their “Unsovites” and recruited mercenaries (this was directly supervised by Anatoly Lupinos). Well, the Odessa Chechen diaspora in the 90s fell under the Maskhadovites, and worked closely with Gurvits, and with the UNA-UNSO, and with representatives of the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the “People’s Movement”.
In turn, Gurvits helped them: in 1996, he organized a “congress of Vainakhs” in Odessa, which supported “free Ichkeria”; Odessa orphanages accepted Chechen children. In February 1997, Gurvits attended the inauguration of Maskhadov, and in May 1997 received a delegation from the Vice President of Ichkeria Vakha Arsanov in Odessa. At the same time, Gurvits contributed to the return of 34 Ukrainian builders from Kirovograd from Chechen captivity. But why specifically Kirovograd residents, although during the events of 1996 Chechen militants captured more than 200 Ukrainian workers from different regions in Grozny? This question remained unanswered, but it was one of the first known examples of Odessa’s special relationship with the “Kirovograd people.”
Eduard Gurvits receives Vakha Arsanov
Oles Yanchuk and Dmitry Korchinsky
In 1998, Gurvits was unable to become mayor of Odessa again: through the Kirovograd Regional Court (again Kirovograd), the election results were declared rigged, and Ruslan Bodelan became mayor of the city. Gurvits, who was simultaneously elected as a people’s deputy of Ukraine, left for Kyiv, but for Yanchuk and Korchinsky, who often visited Odessa, a hot time had come: they were tasked with promoting the opposition movement in the city and organizing various protests. This is what the “Brotherhood” created in 1999 (registered in 2004) did, which, although it later created its branches in almost all regional centers of Ukraine, for some reason its active actions were always limited to Kiev and Odessa. By the way, an interesting coincidence: the “Brotherhood” appeared at the right time, just when Putin (*criminal) started the second Chechen war, and the position of the “Ichkerian friends” UNA-UNSO and Gurvits changed radically: now connections with militant leaders could become a reason for accusations of aiding terrorists . Soon the Chechen diaspora in Odessa also disowned the “Maskhadovites”.
But at the same time, a new conflict arose in Odessa: during the privatization of Odessaobenergo, when the “VS Energy” (Russian oligarch Alexander Babakov) and the oligarch’s “Finance and Credit” groups fought over this “golden antelope” (the oblenergo was also involved in the export of electricity to Moldova). Konstantina Zhevago. It is curious that both sides were also closely connected with Kirovograd. Babakov had previously privatized Kirovogradoblenergo – and many of its employees were then transferred to Odessaoblenergo, causing irritation among the locals with the “Kirovograd invasion.” But the Zhevago companies Energia LLC and Ukrgazsbyt CJSC were co-owners of the Ukrainian Transport Union, together with the Inkompmaprka company Igor Sharov – an extremely influential oligarch from the same Kirovograd. That is, we can say that two “Kirovograd” groups fought over Odessaoblenergo. Of course, both local authorities and local political forces participated in this conflict in one way or another.
Igor Fedorovich Sharov
The 2002 elections in Odessa became even more scandalous than in 1998. Both the election campaign and the voting itself took place with flagrant violations. Many candidates used dirty “technologies”, connecting their people to them: “titushki”, hired students, real bandits, as well as national radicals appeared there. And these were not only members of the “Brotherhood”, who had their own specific “struggle front”. Even then, Oles Yanchuk also supervised several “allied” marginal groups of national radicals, whose members did not have success in public politics, but instead took their souls in petty provocations and dirty tricks. They all worked for Hurwitz’s victory, but he took only second place, losing the victory to Bodelan – and then he himself hastened to accuse his competitor of falsification, but the court rejected his accusations. Only in April 2005, on Yushchenko’s personal order, a new trial was held – it decided to recognize Bodelan’s victory as falsified, and transferred the mayor’s chair to Hurwitz.
Immediately after this, Oles Yanchuk’s money issue was resolved. The fact is that since 1999 he lost his job at customs, and he had to go into the low-profit “high culture”. He completed his studies at the university, entered graduate school, defended his dissertation on the topic “the work of Yuri Lipa” (this writer was one of the ideological icons of UNA-UNSO), in which he was helped by established connections at Odessa University (apparently with national patriots from the dean’s office) . And in 2002, Yanchuk headed an organization with the loud name “Institute of Regional Policy Problems and Modern Political Science,” which became one of the branches of the Brotherhood. But then Yanchuk gave up this self-indulgence, receiving in 2005 from the hands of the returned Gurvits the position of deputy head of the Representation for the Management of Communal Property of the Odessa City Council. It was a real goldmine! A year later, Yanchuk became deputy chairman of the Primorsky district administration, and in 2009, head of the Odessa consumer market development department – while a number of Odessa markets came under his control, including Privoz, Uspeh-Avto and Malinovsky.
After Gurvits returned to the chair of the Odessa mayor (remaining there until 2010), the need for the services of the Brotherhood did not disappear. On the contrary, the people of Korchinsky and Yanchuk had so much work to do in Odessa to discredit and intimidate Hurwitz’s opponents that they had to clone several more public organizations. One of them was “Free Odessa”, created in 2007, headed by “brother” Mark Sokolov. He came to Odessa in 2003 and became famous for throwing eggs at Viktor Yushchenko. A few months later, in April 2004, members of the Brotherhood threw mayonnaise at George Soros, who visited Ukraine, declaring that they opposed the “coup according to the Georgian scenario” he was preparing. These antics of the “Brotherhood” were very puzzling: after all, Soros was one of Yushchenko’s Western patrons, and Viktor Andreevich himself was the “roof” of Eduard Gurvits, taking him to the Our Ukraine electoral list in 2002.
Why did Hurwitz’s people (who the Brotherhood actually was) oppose Yushchenko and the future “Orange Revolution”? And Korchinsky himself, having become the host of the “Prote” program on 1+1, conducted openly anti-Yushchenko rhetoric. This is difficult to understand, because, being a master of provocations, Korchinsky really loved to puzzle, putting on one or another political mask. And immediately after the first round of the 2004 elections, he suddenly ceased to be Yushchenko’s enemy and took his side.
No less surprising was the membership in the “Brotherhood” of such a person as Vakhtang Ubiria (nickname Vakha). Membership is rather honorary, since Ubiria is not the kind of person who would participate in the street booths of the “brothers”. And not at all because of his age (he was born in 1950), but because Ubiria was the “watcher of Odessa” from the well-known Semyon Mogilevich – with whom he, by the way, studied in the same class. Ubiria controlled smuggling, the arms and drug trade, the oil business, he was in touch with the leaders of Kyiv organized crime groups and the largest oligarchs of Ukraine – and at the same time he was a member of the Brotherhood, in which he headed the “department of economics”. And in 2005, he became deputy mayor of Odessa Eduard Gurvits – and immediately began to take control of the Odessa seaport. In 2010, after Hurwitz’s resignation, Ubiria
Vakhtang Ubiriya
He immediately disappeared from Odessa and from Ukraine in general: the media spread the news that he allegedly had a massive heart attack. But the sources Skelet.Info it was reported that Ubiria staged it in order to fly to Israel for treatment – where his ends broke up.
Gurvits, Korchinsky, Chechens, “Kirovograd”, Vakha Ubiria and Mogilevich, “brothers” and “our Ukrainians” – what an intricate combination has developed in Odessa! And somewhere around 2004-2006, our main character Dima Linko appears there, who, like most of his “brothers,” diligently “mowed down” from the army. Indeed: both Yanchuk, Sokolov, and Linko immediately after graduating from school left their native lands (Yanchuk from Vinnytsia region, Sokolov from Zaporozhye region) and dived into the sea of street politics. Why the military registration and enlistment offices were not interested in them, one can only guess. After all, were there really military departments at the philological faculties where Yanchuk and Linko studied? And Mark Sokolov was completely expelled from the first year of the Kyiv Polytechnic!
Dmitry Linko and Mark Sokolov
Dmitry Linko. Professional provocateur
According to his biography, Dmitry Linko graduated from Kiev National University. Taras Shevchenko. Perhaps he forgets to add “in absentia”, since he simply did not have time for full-time studies and, in general, for serious study of sciences. Having become a very active activist of the Brotherhood (and receiving the nickname Linux there), Linko did nothing but wander between Kiev and Odessa, participating in actions and provocations. Due to his not entirely adequate character and willingness to personally carry out the most specific tasks, he was very quickly noticed and promoted: already by the time of his “clash” with Kaurov, Linko was far from an ordinary member of the “Brotherhood”. It is unknown whether he was trusted with direct management of the shares, but he was definitely their ringleader. As, for example, during the provocative “UPA march” on October 18, 2008, in front of which Dmitry Linko walked with a bullhorn in his hands
The people of Kiev were warned that this would be an ordinary provocation of the Brotherhood several days before the march. Moreover, the leaders of “Trident”, UNA-UNSO, the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists, the Ukrainian Youth Congress, the “Center for National Revival named after Stepan Bandera”, “Ukrainian Right” and other nationalist parties and movements in Kyiv then spoke in the media condemning this action, calling her “provocation of unknown people.” However, this did not stop the “brothers” who organized the action from raising the “Trident” and UNA-UNSO flags over the columns, thus simply exposing these organizations.
However, the residents of the capital had no time for the “UPA marches”: a global crisis was raging outside, the dollar and prices were rising rapidly, banks were closing one after another, and scammers were stealing and withdrawing billions from the country. One can only guess who needed to “shake power” at this time! But the “brothers” played their role as professional gapons perfectly. This “alternative march of the UPA” (before this, the anniversary of the UPA was celebrated quietly in Kyiv on October 14) was conceived by them as a performance of radicals – for which they invited Svoboda activists and the then little-known “Patriot of Ukraine” to it. The latter was supposed to become the shock fist of the column, which would break through the police barrier and attack the pickets of the communists and regionalists. By the way, “Patriot” was then commanded by Andrei Biletsky: his people specially armed themselves for the skirmish with plywood shields (painted as banners) and batons hidden behind them, and also wore homemade protective vests and army helmets. All this was an “invention” of the old UNA-UNSO of the 90s, and members of the “Brotherhood” helped “Patriot” prepare for the action (more precisely, for riots and clashes). It’s interesting that all this “armor” will then appear at Euromaidan in 2014.
Kyiv, October 18, 2008
However, then the capital’s “Berkut” did not stand on ceremony with “they are children,” especially since the use of force was authorized by the Presidential Secretariat. After the column, at the head of which Linko flashed with a megaphone in his hands, began to break through the police cordon, the radicals were laid face down on the asphalt in a matter of minutes. 147 people were detained, including Linko and Biletsky, but then they escaped with only a slight fright.
After the “UPA march”: among those lying are the future people’s deputy Linko and the future commander of “Azov” Biletsky
But still, the Brotherhood’s biggest front of work was then in Odessa, where it had to simultaneously speak out against some of Hurwitz’s opponents, and pretend to be joint protest actions with others – in order to provoke unrest. However, Gurvits himself was a great master of provocations (or learned from Korchinsky), for example, there is numerous evidence that he used the radical pro-Russian political forces of Odessa against Bodelan and the regionals. It was also reported that people associated with Hurvits controlled the provocations on May 2, 2014, which led to the tragedy in the House of Trade Unions. But that was later, but in 2008-2009, members of the Brotherhood helped the mayor disperse opposition protests, joining them and provoking conflicts. Thus, the appearance was created that only some hooligans and extremists were speaking out against Mayor Hurwitz.
Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info
CONTINUED: Dmitry Linko: lawlessness and provocations of the “fecal radical”. PART 2
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