Chekita Gennady: details of the life of a lying Odessa swindler. PART 2

CONTINUATION. BEGINNING: Gennady Chekita: details of the life of a lying Odessa swindler. PART 1

Thanks to Kozachenko and Chekita, Our Ukraine in Odessa suffered a complete collapse – after which Gennady Chekita defected to Batkivshchyna and headed its faction in the City Council of the VI convocation (2010-2014). The choice of the new party was not accidental: the Odessa regional organization “Fatherland” has been headed since the time of the first Maidan by Oleg Radkovsky (now the first deputy chairman of the regional council), who was previously an ally of Sergei Kivalov. But here’s what’s interesting: Radkovsky was previously a business partner famous international mafioso Riccardo Fancini (aka Marian Kozina, aka Jerzy Bank, aka Richard Rothman, etc.). He was involved in “this and that,” from fraud with “Kremlyovskaya Group Trading Unlimited” to metal and drug trafficking – and on the last two topics he had big plans for Odessa. According to rumors, Fanchinni even had some connections with the Minin-Angret organized crime group and the Ershov (Katsap) organized crime group, and through Ershov Kozachenko and Chekita were connected to him.

Oleg Radkovsky

So, Fancini once invested in Radkovsky’s business, in his Natalka-Trade LLC (Natalya is Radkovsky’s wife), in the construction of Natalka supermarkets and the Natalka-Pharm pharmacy chain. However, “invested” is an understatement, because a number of media outlets published information they allegedly received from the Belgian criminal police that Fanchini laundered his drug dollars through Radkovsky’s legal business. But when Fancinni sat down, Radkovsky decided to “hide” his money. By the way, this was one of the versions of the assassination attempt on Radkovsky in October 2017 – supposedly, revenge of the international mafia!

However, even earlier Chekita began to extract money from Radkovsky. First, allegedly for two million hryvnias lent to Radkovsky in 2009 – Chekita sued this amount from him in 2014. In principle, these 2 million could be regarded as Chekit’s payment for joining Batkivshchyna and the place of the leader of its faction in the Odessa City Council. And when later in 2013 Chekita fell out with Radkovsky, left Batkivshina and created his own party “For Justice,” he could demand his “party contribution” back to Radkovsky. But there is another version: Cekita participated in “knocking out” Radkovsky’s debts, he either bought them out, or Fancinni’s people acted through him. For example, in 2012, Radkovsky suddenly sold his Natalka-Pharm pharmacies to Chekita. By the way, almost an anecdote: just then Chekita lost the parliamentary elections in the majoritarian district, made a big fuss, yelled about falsifications and even went on a hunger strike – but this fictitious “hunger” did not stop him from flying to Kyiv to “negotiate”, or at the same time engaging in re-registration Radkovsky’s pharmacies took over.

One could assume that this was just an ordinary transaction between party comrades. However, sources close to Radkovsky Skelet.Info they claimed that he did not sell his pharmacies to Chekita, but rather gave them to pay off a certain debt. But not for a debt of 2 million hryvnia, which, by the way, was never repaid! It was then, in search of an answer to the question of how Radkovsky managed to owe Chequita so much, and they remembered the possible connection between Chequita and Riccardo Fancinni.

In this regard, another question arose – was it a coincidence that at the beginning of 2013 Gennady Chekita lost 3 million euros, which his companies kept in the accounts of the then bankrupt Lithuanian Ūkio bankas? It’s somehow too suspicious: first Chekita gets a chain of pharmacies, and a few months later loses three million euros (more than 28 million hryvnia) in a troubled Lithuanian bank. And not just in a problematic one, but in one of the famous “mafia banks”, whose founder was involved in Interpol cases! Somehow it looked very much like a cunning financial scheme.

By the way, having acquired a chain of pharmacies into his own, Gennady Chekita began to develop them through fraud. All over Odessa, advertising of his pharmacies as “social” appeared, simultaneously with the political campaigning of Chekita himself (he even opened his deputy reception rooms in these pharmacies), which was supposed to attract pensioners and the poor to them. Polite sellers smiled at customers and assured that their pharmacies had the lowest prices thanks to some social program of Gennady Leonidovich. But, as it turned out, Chekita was engaged in the most direct deception of poor old people: the prices in his pharmacies were not social, but speculative. Odessa residents have repeatedly complained that medicines in Chekita pharmacies are much more expensive than in neighboring ones.

At the time of the second Maidan, former member of “Our Ukraine” and “Fatherland” Gennady Chekita headed his own political project “For Justice”, while in the period 2010-2013. politically supporting the mayor of Odessa Alexey Kostusev, whose election Kozachenko contributed to. According to rumors, Kostusev was a “contractual” figure who arranged the Angert-Trukhanov group, Sergei Ershov with Kozachenko and Chekita, and many other influential Odessa clans. However, when Ivan Avramov, who was the “supervisor” of the region from Yuri Ivanyushchenko, began his activities in Odessa, Kostusev began to provide him with “services”, and Chekita began to seek rapprochement with the new center of influence – and this even almost quarreled him with Kozachenko, who was in conflict with Avramov because of “personnel issues” (appointment of his people). It is also known that in the elections of the mayor of Odessa on May 25, 2014, Chekita’s election campaign was financed by Ivan Avramov. Then Chequita tried to play purely to reduce Trukhanov’s result. The media reported that the plan of the adventurers was to subsequently present an ultimatum to Trukhanov: the removal of Chekita from the elections in exchange for a million dollars, the position of deputy mayor for construction and control over the Malinovsky district administration. However, since Chequita’s rating was only 5% and did not match his appetite, he was sent to hell by Trukhanov.

Then Chekita found refuge in the ranks of the “Petro Poroshenko Bloc” – under whose flag he was elected to the Rada in majority district No. 134 in the fall of 2014 (his competitor, by the way, was Darth Vader). According to rumors, Ivan Avramov also helped him in this, allegedly paying the then chairman of the Odessa Regional Council Alexey Goncharenko (the son of ex-mayor Kostusev) for administrative support for Chekit. According to another version, Kozachenko agreed with Goncharenko. However, there is practically no detailed information on this topic.

But before Chekita had time to get used to the pro-presidential party, he immediately got involved in a new scandal, because of which he was called “the secret curator of the Odessa separatists.” We are talking about the riots in Odessa on March 21, 2015, organized by someone’s “titushki” under the guise of political protests. At the same time, as the media reported, on the night before the riots, the Odessa police received an anonymous call about mining a house at 11-B October Revolution Street. They didn’t find a bomb there, but they met a large group of young people in sports uniforms who introduced themselves as members of a certain “Sector 12.” The media reported that the police seized from them ammunition, instructions for making explosive devices (but no weapons or explosives), as well as lists of activists of national-patriotic organizations in Odessa. It was alleged that “Sector 12” is supervised by Chekita himself and that it is a “separatist organization,” although before that the only mention of “Sector 12” in the media concerned the provision of some kind of volunteer assistance to either the Armed Forces of Ukraine or the National Guard.

However, through the efforts of Odessa journalists, everything soon became clear: it turned out that there was a pseudo-volunteer organization “Unification Sector”, which worked under the roof of Gennady Chekita and collected help for the “Kuzma Scriabin battalion” – also created with the assistance of Chekita. True, no one saw this battalion at the front, since it was virtual – just like the “special forces unit” invented by scammers called “Sector 12,” whose false fighters participated in collecting volunteer assistance together with the “Unification Sector.” To create an appearance, the scammers invited several real ATO veterans with social problems (according to some information – semi-criminal youth and alcoholics), settled them in a hostel – where, during one of the drinking sessions, fought among themselves and killed their “brother”. It was after this incident that journalists and social activists took a close look at the “Unification Sector” and brought the swindlers to light.

Perhaps it was these swindlers who were behind the organized riots on March 21, 2015, when in Odessa a crowd of “titushki” staged hooligan pogroms in the city. Some of them were detained and testified that they were hired by Gennady Chekita. At the same time, they were sure that Chekita would get them out of the cell, because he is a deputy of the BPP faction.

Wealth and poverty of Gennady Chekita

Two years ago (in the fall of 2016), members of the Odessa condominium association “Cascade” at 12-2 Shevchenko Avenue wrote a complaint-appeal to President Poroshenko, Chairman of Parliament Parubiy and the then head of the BPP faction Grinev. And they complained about their neighbors: the already deceased Leonid Chekita and his living widow Anna Chekita, that is, the parents of Gennady Chekita. They complained that those living in an elite apartment with a market value of 300 thousand dollars did not pay for utilities for years. Even when the apartment was registered in Leonid Dorofeevich’s name, by 2011 he owed more than 31 thousand hryvnia for communal services – which were collected from him through the court. By the beginning of the 2016 heating season, his wife, who inherited the apartment, already owed more than 67 thousand hryvnia. But communal services were much cheaper back then – that is, the Chekits didn’t pay for years, at all!

Anna Chequita’s neighbors were worried that because of her debts, the heating in their house would not be turned on on time. And it was even more indignant that these debts were accumulated not by a poor pensioner, but by the mother of a millionaire people’s deputy, to whom her son registered a total of 11 apartments (all with debts?) and expensive cars (not only the ill-fated Bentley).

Chekita is also known to Odessa residents as a person who is pathologically greedy for other people’s goods. They remember how in October 2005 he staged a raider takeover of the Glas television and radio company. Then Chekita bought 44% of the shares from the founder of Glas, Gennady Suldin, and they decided to change the leadership of the TV channel – but were rebuffed by the journalistic team. Then, on October 28, bailiffs burst into the premises of the Glas shopping and entertainment complex, accompanied by the police and employees of the Getman private security company, as well as Chekita and Kozachenko, who led them. They stopped broadcasting and began dismantling and removing equipment. The TRC was saved from destruction only by the intervention of the Odessa public, who wrote petitions to all authorities. As the media reported afterwards, this incident was an episode of a long war for the Odessa media, which began back in the 90s with the division of Channel 7 between the influence groups of Eduard Gurvits and Ruslan Bodelan.

Chekita was even interested in the Odessa Drama Theater, but not as premises for an office or market (thank God!), but from the point of view of appointing Stanislav Stankov (a former regional council deputy from the Party of Regions) as its artistic director. The fact is that Diana Malaya, the unofficial wife of Gennady Chekita, has been working in this theater since 1988, known for her small roles in the films “Deja Vu” and “Liquidation” (Galya) filmed in Odessa, as well as in several “soap operas” . So, Chekita really wanted her to be given the title of “People’s Artist of Ukraine” (in addition to the already existing title of “honored”), for which he needed a pocket artistic director. Let the audience decide whether Diana Malaya is “folk” (the level of Olga Sumskaya) – but Chekita invariably ensured the triumphant presence of his wife at all Odessa film festivals. However, it is unclear who he promoted more on the red carpet: his wife or himself, leading her by the arm.

But Diana Malaya is not only an actress, but also a businesswoman: in particular, she was a co-owner of Pankom-Met LLC (together with Tatyana Shpaltakova), is the owner of the Poseidon publishing house, PJSC Ingul and Sotsmed LLC, together and his wife Kozachenko own Gelidus LLC.

Gennady Chekita and Diana Malaya

By the way, the head of PJSC Ingul is Alena Voitenko, whom Chekita hired in 2017 as deputy director of the State Enterprise MTP Chernomorsk for economics. This was the story of the redistribution of the port “Chernomorsk” (formerly “Ilyichevsky”), control over which Chekita wrested from two other Odessa businessmen – Kaufman and Granovsky. Their man at the port was the former deputy director for economics, Sergei Mitchenko, who was rescued from there, accused of causing losses to the port. According to the former Minister of Economy Abromavicius, the redistribution began after Chekita agreed on this with the influential presidential “confidante” Igor Kononenko, considered the “gray eminence” of current Ukrainian corruption.

Together with Alena Voitenko, Chekita inserted his other people into the port management: Natalya Kaptusarova was appointed head of the port press service, and Igor Tombulatov was appointed deputy director for administrative activities – both are assistants to People’s Deputy Chekita on a voluntary basis. At the same time, Chequita himself publicly stated that he had nothing to do with these people (well, yes, like his mother’s Bentley) and that this information was a provocation. But his lies are refuted by the official list of his assistants:

But Igor Tombulatov previously worked as deputy head of the Department of State Security Administration for the Odessa region, from where he was fired due to blatant corruption – instead of disposing of confiscated cigarettes, he “pushed them to the left.” After which he got a job at the Chernomorsk port as head of the security service (and was directly related to the transfer of port money to the problematic Platinum Bank). Then Tombulatov worked for Kaufman and Granovsky – but then, according to information Skelet.Infoaccepted Chequita’s offer and began working for him. It was Tombulatov who helped Chekita remove Sergei Mitchenko, accusing him of transferring money to Platinum Bank. In gratitude, Tombulatov received a promotion from Chekita and, as there was talk, “something else.”

Perhaps it was Tombulatov’s connections in the SBU that helped Gennady Chekita get out of a new scandal, when in the summer of 2017 he was allegedly arrested by Security Service officers. This was a continuation of the story with the port: on behalf of the labor collective, complaints about Chekita’s actions were sent to Kyiv, as well as to NABU – on whose initiative they began to “pull” Chekita. Of course, the information about his arrest was a “duck”, since the people’s deputy Chequita was not deprived of parliamentary immunity. And here it is worth agreeing that someone waged an information war against him, and, moreover, very clumsily. However, facts are facts: in 2017, Chekita really had unpleasant meetings with investigators, and People’s Deputy Borislav Rosenblat was also included in the charges. But Chequita successfully “settled” this problem too.

Then, in the summer of 2017, he took up another business – his company Alkor LLC. This story began under Mayor Bodelan, when the territory of the Inter-flight base for sailors of the sawn Black Sea Shipping Company was transferred to Alcor LLC, which, according to the agreement, was supposed to reconstruct the buildings of the base plus build a new sports complex. Instead, Alcor divided the base land into small plots and sold them to developers. After which the company was liquidated, and then the base itself was abolished. However, in 2013, this case was raised, and the Primorsky Court of Odessa ruled that the agreements between the Interflight Base and Alcor were invalid. Although the base itself has not existed for a long time, its lands should have gone to the city (and then to other, more successful swindlers). But after that miracles began. In 2016, the same Primorsky court canceled the liquidation of Alkor LLC, and the restored company filed a lawsuit, according to which the court decision for 2013 was stopped – that is, it reclaimed its rights to the territory of the former base. In 2017, claims were filed against Alcor in the Court of Appeal of the Odessa Region, which stopped the court’s decision for 2016. In response, Chekita’s lawyers went all the way to the Supreme Court of Ukraine, but lost the “reanimation” case there to the Alcor company. However, despite the fact that the company has now been officially liquidated again, Odessa has not received back the lands stolen from the city. After all, Chequita has never parted with his property “acquired through back-breaking labor,” even by court decisions.

Sergey Varis, for Skelet.Info

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