Andrey Pyshny. Yatsenyuk’s godfather and the murderer of Oschadbank

Recently, information has often appeared about the possible bankruptcy of Privatbank. However, the Ukrainian banking system is generally in crisis. And this crisis also threatens the second largest bank, the state-owned Oschadbank. But officials are doing their best to hush up this possibility of a default by the largest bank.

Namely, this bank contains all the “Chernobyl”, “resettlement” and other benefits. That is, if Oschad collapses, it will be the most vulnerable segments of the population that will suffer. And in addition, Oschadbank lends to state-owned enterprises – from Ukrnafta to Ukrzaliznytsia. Recently the bank lent to the state enterprise Energorynok, which we wrote about. And the fall of this bank will essentially paralyze the entire infrastructure of Ukraine. So what, you say. Why should I care about the state bank and government problems? But the fact is that if they save Oschadbank, they will do it at our expense. That is, the fall of Privatbank is a personal matter of Igor Kolomoisky and Gennady Bogolyubov (Read more about him in the article Gennady Bogolyubov: what is the other half of “Privat” keeping quiet about?). They will pull him out of default at their own expense. And the rescue of Oschadbank will take place at taxpayers’ expense. That is, you and I will pay for the very poor management of Andrei Pyshny. But maybe they’ll just let him drown? They won’t give it. Especially after the Verkhovna Rada refused to dismiss Yatsenyuk. But in order to understand why this is so, we need to look into the person of the head of Oschadbank, Andrei Grigorievich Pyshny. The godfather of the already mentioned Arseny Petrovich, who so likes to place his people in key positions, which we also wrote about.

Both Pyshny and Yatsenyuk are from Chernivtsi. Moreover, they are almost classmates; both studied at Chernivtsi University at the same time. It is not known whether they were friends or just friends, but their fathers were friends. Yatsenyuk’s father was the dean of the university where they studied, and Pyshny’s father was the head of the local colony. So they both come from fairly intelligent families. And it was Pyshny’s father who introduced Yatsenyuk’s father to a man who would play the role of a guide for young people into the world of big politics. This man’s name was Igor Pluzhnikov. He is an oligarch, one of the founders of the SDPU(o), an ally of Viktor Medvedchuk, and the creator of the main propaganda and manipulative machine of those years – the Inter TV channel. It was he who protected the then young Arseny and Andrey. This is about the fact that young people who were not smeared in old schemes came to power, as Yatsenyuk and Pyshny like to position themselves.

While the Social Democrats were strong and in power, young people “hanged out” in commercial banks and in senior positions in state banks, fortunately, with the connections of their parents, it was not difficult to get their children into dust-free and lucrative work. But the Orange Revolution happened and there was a need to replace some odious personalities with young and fresh faces. That is, those who robbed the country under Leonid Kuchma have not gone away, they simply took their protégés from the bench and incorporated them into the corridors of power, taking care of strong starting positions.

Thus, Arseniy Yatsenyuk became acting head of the board of the National Bank, and Andrey Pyshny from the position of deputy chairman of the board of Oschadbank moved to the position of acting. Chairman of the same Oschadbank. This happened in December 2004. That is, almost synchronously with the resignation of Kuchma from the post of president and the arrival of Viktor Yushchenko to this position. It was not difficult for Pluzhnikov to do this; he himself is not the last person in the country’s banking system; at one time he held a position on the board of the National Bank and was deputy head of the supervisory board of the same Oschad. But in 2005, Igor Pluzhnikov died and the prodigies from Chernivtsi were left to rely only on each other. By the way, in order to get into this position, Andrei Grigorievich resorted to outright forgery. In 2004, he bought from the rector of the Institute of Modern Knowledge Viktor Vasilenko a fictitious certificate stating that you graduated from this educational institution, which we wrote about earlier. He needed this in order to immediately enroll in the fourth year of the Ukrainian Academy of Banking at the National Bank. Without this academy, he would not have been able to become chairman of a state bank.

2004-2005 were golden times for the entire Ukrainian banking market. Loans were taken out in huge quantities, and the population gladly opened deposit accounts. But not for Oschadbank. Once the only state-owned bank with a wide retail network, it was rapidly losing its position. Pensioners who had been served by Oschad since the times of the USSR transferred their pensions to the rapidly developing network of Privat, Pravex, Nadra and other smaller banks. Salary projects, including those of state enterprises, also went there. The reasons for this are poor quality service, incompetence of employees from the cashier to top management, inflexible systems of bonuses and interest, and often their complete absence. This very definitely characterizes Andrey Pyshny as a manager. By the way, Oschadbank has not yet been able to overcome these “diseases”. Although he has some kind of marketing strategy and even fashionable hashtags these days – #MyBankMyKraina And #schadbankdie. But maybe it’s not the beds that need to be changed, as the old joke says?

Andrei Grigorievich does not forget himself either. While still in office, he took out a loan for three and a half million… from himself, that is, all from the same Oschadbank. It is clear that he took it on favorable terms. But he went further – he has not yet repaid this loan. This was fraught with problems, especially since the post of head of the state bank was taken by his rival Anatoly Guley, a man of the brothers Andrey and Sergey Klyuevwho published this information. But Pyshny, with the support of the same Yatsenyuk, was “extended” to the National Security and Defense Council for the position of curator of the financial sector of Ukraine, and apparently that’s why Guley decided not to get involved with him.

However, in 2008–2009, a dark streak began in the lives of Yatsenyuk and Pyshny. First, Arseniy Petrovich was removed from the post of Speaker of the Verkhovna Rada. And then Andrei Grigorievich was asked from the National Security and Defense Council. They decided to go into politics. This is how the “Front of Change” appeared. Arseniy Yatsenyuk became the leader of the party and its frontman, and Andrei Pyshny essentially became his right hand. Friends successfully… failed the 2010 elections, despite investing 60-70 million dollars in them. Everyone remembers the unexpectedly “militarized” Arseny Petrovich, with whom all cities and highways were covered (a “brilliant” development by the famous Russian designer Artemy Lebedev). It didn’t help that the party was patronized by Ekaterina Chumachenko-Yushchenko. By the 2012 elections, the Front for Change had to completely go under the umbrella of Batkivshchyna. The fact that Yulia Tymoshenko ended up in a pre-trial detention center and then in prison also played into their hands. Thus, Yatsenyuk became the frontman of the so-called “United Opposition,” and Pyshny took the place of deputy chairman of the election headquarters, and when he entered parliament, he took the informal position of head of the “Yatsenyuk group” in this very opposition. And he held this position throughout the reign of Yanukovych. According to knowledgeable people, he never repaid the loan to Oschadbank, but he was protected by parliamentary immunity.

During Euromaidan, Arseniy Petrovich actively spoke from the stage, promising the people to get a “slug in the forehead.” Andrei Grigorievich was next to him and was engaged in legal support – for example, he wrote letters to Popov in which he called rallies and barricades an indefinite meeting of the people with the deputies. In a word, he, as an experienced bureaucrat, tried to introduce the revolution into a certain legal field and thus lead it, at least formally. He tried to raise Euromaidan in Kherson. However, without much success. Once he tried to reach the barricades, but was immediately hit on the head with a baton by the police. For some time he posed in front of journalists with his head bandaged and did not climb onto the barricades again.

But after Euromaidan, Andrei Grigorievich’s career took off. Along with Arseny Petrovich’s career, of course. He immediately became the head of the board of Oschadbank, and without any acting prefixes. But after some time he got involved in a corruption scandal. The Prosecutor General’s Office opened criminal proceedings against him. Pyshny flew to the Seville-Dnepr match and this trip cost 500 thousand hryvnia, which investigators thought he took from the accounts of Oschadbank. To hush up this matter, his lawyers said that the money was provided by Igor Eremeev and showed a certificate allegedly proving that yes, indeed the latter withdrew them from the account. But the investigators immediately asked the question: for what kind of services did the oligarch take the official to football? However, this matter was quietly hushed up.

ATO participants also had questions for Andrei Grigorievich. The thing is. That Oschadbank until recently worked in the occupied territories of the DPR and LPR, when other banks had already closed their branches. That is, in essence, he financed the separatists, giving them the opportunity to transfer funds. And only under public pressure, after pickets outside the head office on Gospitalnaya Street, under the slogan “A magnificent farewell for the magnificent godfather,” he closed these branches.

It was during the leadership of Andrei Pyshny that Oschadbank fell like never before. One can, of course, say that there is a crisis in the country in general and the banks are having a hard time. But for some reason the big banks are still afloat. And some of them have even grown a little over the years. But Oschad is falling – at the end of 2014, he lost 8.6 billion (!) hryvnia. For comparison: under the previous leader Sergei Podrezov, he earned 678.8 million in profit in 2013 alone. At the beginning of 2015, Moodys downgraded its credit and debt ratings from Ca to Caa3 with a negative outlook, that is, by several points at once. Fitch, another rating agency, downgraded Oschadbank from CC (possible default) to SSS (high probability of default).

And already in the summer of 2015, the same Fitch stated that Oschad’s default on Eurobonds was inevitable sooner or later. The bank proudly states that its loan portfolio has grown from 67.4 billion hryvnia to 92.2 billion compared to 2012. But these are all mainly loans to government agencies – Naftogaz, Energoatom, Ukriziliznitsa, Ukravtodor and others. That is, in essence, the state is lending to itself. But it lends with real money, which then dissolves somewhere, and Oschadbank is left with debts secured by state guarantees. The state pumps money into the bank again and everything goes in the same circle. And the central figure in this pumping of our taxpayers’ money into the pockets of those in power is Andrei Pyshny. And until September 2016, that is, until parliament receives the right to again submit a demand for the resignation of his godfather, Arseniy Yatsenyuk, from the post of prime minister, he will definitely be in his place.

This year, the Ministry of Finance obliged Oschadbank to break even. If this could be done by order, then everything would be fine. But the market is a market, and those who break even on it are those who attract new customers, innovative products, develop the right marketing strategies, in a word, work. Which, as we understand, is impossible under the current leadership. This means that this “break-even” will have to be created by forcibly “driving” budgetary organizations there, artificially creating monopoly services (such as payments for extracts from the state register or state mortgages) and constant refinancing. And by 2020 they want to sell it. Well, the state has absolutely no need for such a clumsy financial monster. So the decision is correct. If, of course, by then someone wants to buy it.

Denis Ivanov, for Skelet.Info

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